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VOL. VI.— No. 1 

MARCH, 1922 











VOL. VL— No. 1 

MARCH, 1922 

One Dollar a Number. Three Dollars a Year 

Entered as second class matter, March 14, 1921, 

at the post office at Macon, Georgia, under the 

act of August 24, 1912. 



President Corresponding Secretary 


First Vice-President Secretary-Treasurer 


Vice-President Librarian 


Vice-President Chairman Publishing Committee 






ANDREW^ J.^COBB........„ ^...Athens j fLORANCE MINIS Savannah 

A. C. NEWELL Atlanta 

T. M. CUNNINGHAM, Jr Savannah 



P. S. FLIPPIN Macon W. E. THOMAS Valdosta 


ROBERT PRESTON BROOKS University of Georgia 


ELLIS MERTON COULTER University of Georgia 

CLEO HEARON Agnes Scott College 

PERCY SCOTT FLIPPIN Mercer University 


PERCY SCOTT FLIPPIN. Managing Editor. 



Development of Agriculture in Upper Georgia 
From 1850-1880. 
Roland M. Harper, Ph.D 3 

The Code Napoleon. 

Judge Beverly D. Evans 28 

Howell Cobb Papers. 

Edited by R. P. Brooks, Ph.D 35 

Book Reviev^s 85 

Exchanges 90 

Historical New^s 93 

The Georgia Historical Quarterly 

Volume VI March. 1922 NumLer 1 

GEORGIA FROM 1850 to 1880. 

Geological Survey of Alabama. 

The average historical book or article devotes a dispro- 
portionate amount of space to the doings of a few prominent 
personages, because information about them is compara- 
tively easy to get, while the multitudes who do the bulk of 
the world's work seldom get their names into print and are 
soon forgotten when they pass away. But it is difficult to 
deduce general principles from a study of only a few indi- 
viduals, and it is probably for this reason that history is not 
regarded as one of the sciences. A real history of any coun- 
try or region, however, can be truly scientific if it takes into 
account in one way or another the whole population, and it 
may be wholly impersonal. It is indeed not easy to recon- 
struct an impersonal history for times more than a century 
or two in the past, but since about the time of the American 
Revolution statistical material suitable for historical pur- 
poses has been available in ever increasing variety, chiefly in 
census reports. 

The first census of the United States, taken in 1790, set 
the example for the whole civilized world ; and the results of 
that and thirteen subsequent censuses, taken at ten-year in- 
tervals, are contained in over a hundred volumes, which are 
a vast store-house of useful information, that has never been 
fully or even half utilized. There were a few local censuses 


of population in this country before 1790, and several states 
at various times since have taken censuses of varying scope 
midway between the federal censuses, but Georgia does not 
happen to be one of those states. There are indeed for Geor- 
gia, as for most other states, more or less accurate annual 
or biennial returns of property values, school attendance, 
crop yields, etc., but those are not used in this article, which 
essays merely to present an outline of the conditions of ag- 
riculture in the upper part of the state for a few years be- 
fore and after the Civil War, as indicated by the United 
States census reports. The methods used, which ought to be 
equally applicable to any other part of the country, bring out 
many fundamental facts which were probably not previously 
known, except in a very general way. 

Of course no census is absolutely accurate and complete, 
and persons missed by the enumerators are likely to have 
a poor opinion of the work ; but no matter how inefficient the 
enumerators and clerks may be, the results for a whole 
state or larger area are likely to be far better than one per- 
son alone could get in many years. The charge most fre- 
quently made against the census, especially by local patriots 
who feel aggrieved if their home town does not seem to 
grow as fast as some rival town, is that of incompleteness. 
But ascertaining the mere number of inhabitants or hogs 
or cultivated acres or bales of cotton or bushels of corn is 
not the sole aim of a census, and even if half the people or 
farms were overlooked, that might not seriously affect the 
statistics of the percentages of whites or foreigners or 
illiterates, average size and value of farms, yield of crops 
per acre, etc. 

A greater source of error perhaps is the danger of some of 
the census questions being misunderstood, on account of the 
diversity of conditions in different parts of the country and 
the failure of the census officials to make sufficient allow- 
ance therefor, and the ignorance of some of the inhabitants. 
And even if there were no trouble on that score, and all the 
enumerators did their work perfectly, there would still be 
a chance of the results being vitiated by clerical or typo- 


graphical errors. But it is hardly possible that such errors 
should all be of the same kind or lean in the same direction, 
so as to increase or decrease the totals ; so that when figures 
for several states or counties are added together the errors 
tend to neutralize each other. Furthermore, different sets 
of figures, such as the population of the same area in differ- 
ent decades, the number of inhabitants and number of farms, 
number of cows and hogs, acreage and yield of crops, etc., 
have to be reasonably consistent, so that serious errors are 
easily detected. (A few apparent errors in the figures for 
Georgia will be discussed farther on) . 

Most persons who use census statistics at all are apt to 
consider only one state, county or city at a time, or merely 
make comparisons between different political units of the 
same order, and thus miss many interesting facts which 
could be obtained by assembling the communities into groups 
based on similarities. Every state in the Union is so diversi- 
fied that state averages for population, agriculture, etc., con- 
ceal fundamental facts and mean very little. On the other 
hand, to discuss every county in a large area separately, 
especially where they are as small and numerous as in 
Georgia, would be tiresome. 

The geographer therefore seeks to put counties or other 
political divisions together into groups of convenient size, 
usually contiguous, which shall be as homogeneous as pos- 
sible with respect to one or more fundamental characteris- 
tics, such as soil, topography, or climate. And where ac- 
curate information about the natural features of a region 
is wanting, for lack of opportunity to explore it thoroughly, 
or for any other reason, one can often be guided by the 
similarity of adjoining counties in density of population, 
percentage of negroes, amount of land in cultivation, or some 
other statistical feature. 

When one has selected a particular region for study it 
may then be worth while to make comparisons between in- 
dividual counties, for of course no two are exactly alike in 
natural features, and even if they were the people in one 
might be a little more progressive than in another, and that 



would always show in some way in the statistics. But in 
so doing one would have to keep a sharp lookout for the 
various kinds of errors above mentioned. 

Georgia, like most other states bordering on the coast 
from New Jersey to Alabama, can be divided into two major 

Map showing geographical or agricultural divisions of Georgia. Only 
those north of the fall line are discussed in this article. The small areas 
without names in the northwestern portion are Sand and Lookout Moun- 
tains, belonging to the Cumberland Plateau, with a narrow strip of 
Appalachian Valley between them (in Dade County), with an outlier of 
the Blue Ridge along the line between Polk and Paulding Counties. 


divisions of approximately equal size, the highlands and the 
coastal plain, and these again subdivided. The boundary 
between the upper and lower country is known to physio- 
graphers as the fall line, on account of its marking the head 
of navigation on many rivers. It passes through or near 
Augusta, Milledgeville, Macon and Columbus, and has most 
of the clay hills and hard rocks and water-powers on one 
side of it and most of the sandy flats and navigable streams 
on the other. 

The natural divisions of the whole state as at present 
understood are shown on the accompanying map, but in this 
article only the upper part of the state is considered, and 
only the 7th to 10th U. S. censuses (1850 to 1880). It is 
planned to cover lower Georgia for the same period in the 
next article, and by that time the returns from the 14th 
census may be sufficiently complete so that the developments 
from 1890 to 1920 can be shown in a similar manner. Of 
course natural boundaries and political boundaries usually do 
not coincide, so that some counties include parts of two or 
more very different regions. Most such counties have been 
omitted from the computations, but there are so many coun- 
ties wholly within each natural sub-division of upper Geor- 
gia, with one or two exceptions, that suph omissions do not 
noticeably impair the results. The counties used will be 
specified for each census, so that any one who desires can 
verify the figures for himself, or suggest modifications of 
the grouping. The base-map is from a plate used in Hen- 
derson's Commonwealth of Georgia (1885), and it shows 
the county boundaries as they were from 1878 to 1904, the 
longest period in the history of the state in which there were 
no new counties established. 

Upper Georgia has about five divisions. In the northwest 
corner the Cumberland Plateau, which extends from Penn- 
sylvania to Alabama, is represented by Sand and Lookout 
Mountains, which have only a small area in this state. This 
is a comparatively level region, with horizontal strata of 
sandstone rock and rather sandy soils, standing several 
hundred feet above the neighboring limestone valleys. It 


does not cover enough of any one county in Georgia to be 
worth studying statistically, and therefore will not be 
considered further. 

The Appalachian Valley^ which extends froni New York 
to Alabama, over a thousand miles, passes through the 
north-western part of Georgia, where it covers about 3000 
square miles. It is characterized by a great variety of geo- 
logical formations, of Paleozoic age, with rocks ranging from 
sandstone and chert to shale and limestone. The first two 
generally make narrow ridges and the last two broad valleys, 
and the ridges and valleys mostly run approximately north 
and south. There is more limestone in this region than in 
any other equal area in the state, and the valley lands are 
quite fertile. The climate places it near the northern limit 
of cotton, so that in ante-bellum days there were few large 
cotton plantations and few negroes, especially in the north- 
ern part. The mineral resources are abundant and varied, 
and a considerable part of the population is engaged in min- 
ing and manufacturing. 

The Blue Ridge or eastern mountain region extends with 
some interruptions from New Jersey to Alabama, covers 
about 2000 square miles in extreme northern Georgia, and is 
mountainous throughout, with some peaks nearly a mile 
above sea-level, steep ridges radiating from them in all di- 
rections, and valleys of varying width between the ridges. 
The rocks are mostly sandstone, gneiss, and mica schist (with 
a strip of marble in the western part), and the soils are 
not particularly fertile, except in the bottoms of the valleys, 
where the "cream'* of the slopes has been accumulating for 
ages. The rough topography restricts cultivation to a small 
fraction of the area, and also interferes with communica- 
tion, and some of the civilization is rather primitive. This 
region used to be especially noted for "moonshining,'* an 
industry which is favored by the natural conditions in three 
or four different ways. First, numerous wooded ravines are 
well supplied with the necessary water and sufficiently se- 
cluded so that stills are not easily discovered. Second, the 
isolation and sparsity of the population makes the natives 



rather intolerant of the laws that all thickly settled com- 
munities must have for mutual protection. Third, the roads 
are so rough that it is sometimes more economical to market 
the corn crop in the shape of whisky than in the far more 
bulky grain. But where the valley bottoms are half a mile 
wide or more and provided with railroads, as about the head 
of the Little Tennessee River in Rabun County, there are 
now some large prosperous farms, with painted two-story 
houses, silos, automobiles, and other evidences of modern 
civilization. The climate is a little too cold or the growing 
season too short for the profitable cultivation of cotton, 
which is attempted in only a few spots. Negroes have al- 
ways been scarce, and there are even said to be some grown 
people among the mountains who have never seen one of 

The Piedmont Region also extends from New Jersey to 
Alabama, covering about 20,000 square miles in Georgia, 
and it is characterized by granite, gneiss, and other ancient 
crystalline rocks, which weather into clay, clay loam and 
sandy loam of medium fertility, commonly reddish in color. 
The topography is moderately hilly to broken, swamps are 
scarce, and natural ponds are unknown. The rivers are all 
muddy, and they flow over numerous rocky shoals which are 
important sources of water-power. 

In Georgia, and also in South Carolina,^ the Piedmont re- 
gion can be divided lengthwise into two subdivisions of ap- 
proximately equal width, differing mainly in the racial com- 
position of the population, as was pointed out several years 
ago by Dr. R. P. Brooks, in the first of his papers cited on 
a succeeding page. In the upper division there are about 
twice as many whites as negroes, while in the lower the 
proportions are reversed; and with these differences go 
many social and economic differences which might escape 
the notice of a traveler but are brought out very strikingly 
by statistics. The reason for all this is not immediately 
obvious, for the natural environmental differences are not 
very marked. The upper division is of course higher than 

See Jour. Elisha Mitchell, Sci. Soc. 35:106-107: 1920. 


the lower and therefore a little more hilly, and being at the 
same time farther from the equator and from the Gulf 
Stream it is somewhat cooler. And having a little more 
water-power in proportion to its area favors the develop- 
ment of manufacturing, which is carried on mainly by white 
people. The available mechanical analyses of the soils show 
very little difference, and we have not enough chemical 
analyses yet to draw any sound conclusions from, but it 
seems likely that the lower division is or has been the more 
fertile, if the percentage of improved land is a reliable index. 
A careful quantitative analysis of the native vegetation 
should throw considerable light on this point, but that has 
yet not been undertaken. 

At any rate, the lower division, being nearer to the early 
settlements, a little warmer, a little more level, and perhaps 
more fertile, was occupied by wealthy cotton planters with 
many slaves early in the state's history, and negroes have 
been in the majority there since about 1830. In 1870 and 
1880, the only years for which we have such data by coun- 
ties, there were about six times as many South Carolinians 
as Virginians in the upper Piedmont, while in the lower their 
numbers were about equal. At the same time there were 
about twice as many North Carolinians as Virginians in the 
upper division and half as many in the lower. These curious 
differences may be correlated with soil differences, for a 
farmer migrating to another state is inclined to look for 
soils similar to what he has been accustomed to. 

There is of course no sharp boundary between the upper 
and lower Piedmont, but on the map a dotted line has been 
drawn somewhat arbitrarily, through those counties in 
which the numbers of whites and negroes are, or have been 
most of the time, about equal. 

As my personal acquaintance with Georgia goes back only 
to 1887, and my interest in agricultural geography developed 
much later, it is quite possible that the census figures for 
ante-bellum conditions have not been correctly interpreted 
in every case, and some erroneous conclusions may have 
been drawn. Corrections and criticisms will therefore be 


gratefully received, and utilized if any of this material 
should ever be put in more permanent form. Considerable 
literature on the subject has been examined, and some of 
the more important works must be referred to here, for the 
benefit of readers who wish additional details or different 
points of view. 

An excellent account of the natural features and social 
conditions of every county in the state, at the beginning of 
the period under consideration, can be found in White's 
Statistics of Georgia, 1849.2 

We are now ready to take up the successive censuses and 
make the figures talk, as it were. That of 1840 gave the 
amount of each of the principal crops produced in every 
county in the United States in the year preceding, but no in- 
formation about the number, size and value of farms or the 
acreage of any crop, so that it is of very little use in this 

The Seventh Census, of 1850, was taken under the direc- 
tion of Joseph C. G. Kennedy, a Pennsylvanian, but he was 
succeeded in 1853 by J. D. B. DeBow, of New Orleans, an 
accomplished statistican, who conducted DeBow's Review, 

2 Much the same sort of information for the end of the period, thirty years later, is 
given in Dr. R. H. Loughridge's report on cotton production in Georgia, in the 6th 
volume of the 10th Census (pp. 259-450). Much of the material in the last-named 
was worked over in J. T. Henderson's Commonwealth of Georgia, published by the 
state agricultural department in 1885. 

There are two interesting articles by Rev. C. W. Howard, a resident of North- 
west Georgia, in the reports of the U. S. Commissioner of Agriculture for 1866 and 
1874, namely. Condition and Resources of Georgia, and Condition of Agriculture in 
the cotton states. An anonymous (editorial?) article on Southern agriculture, in 
the 1867 volume of the same series, gives a pretty good picture of agricultural con- 
ditions in Georgia and other southeastern states immediately after the Civil War. 

Two scholarly papers by R. P. Brooks have been very useful in this connection, 
namely, A local study of the race problem: race relations in the eastern Piedmont 
region of Georgia (Polit. Sci. Quarterly, 26:193-221. 1911), and The agrarian revo- 
lution in Georgia, 1865-1912 (tPniv. Wis. Bull. 639. 129 pp. 1914). My classmate. 
Dr. U. B. Phillips, has published several important papers on the economic history 
of the South, not restricted to Georgia, among which may be mentioned: The eco- 
nomic cost of slave-holding in the cotton belt (Polit. Sci. Quarterly 20:257-175. 
1905) ; The origin and growth of the southern black belts (Am. Hist. Rev. 11:798- 
816. 1906) ; A history of transportation in the eastern cotton belt to 1860 (xv — 405 
pp. New York, 1908) ; and The decadence of the plantation system (Annals Am. 
Acad. Polit. & Soc. Sci., Jan., 1910). 

Many additional titles bearing less directly on the subject under discussion can 
be found in R. P. Brooks's Preliminary bibliography of Georgia History (Univ. of 
Ga. Bull., vol. 10, no. lOA. 1910). 


a magazine devoted to the resources of the South, from 1846 
to 1871. The quarto volume containing nearly all the results 
of that census, published in 1853, gives among other things 
for each county the amount of improved and unimproved 
land in farms, the value of farms (meaning land, fences and 
buildings combined), implements and machinery, and live- 
stock, the value of animals slaughtered in a year, the num- 
ber of horses mules,^ milch cows, work oxen, other cattle, 
sheep and swine and the production of various crops. The 
number of farms, a very important item, was not given in 
the quarto volume, but in the octavo Compendium, published 
in 1854, in which Mr. DeBow analyzed some of the returns 
more minutely than his predecessor did, and also made many 
interesting comparisons between the United States and the 
principal European countries. 

From these data, and the population figures for the same 
period, the ratios given in Table 1 have been computed. Most 
of these are intended to show the size, value and equipment 
of the average farm in the four principal divisions of upper 
Georgia in the middle of the last century. The number 
of inhabitants per farm is simply the ratio of population to 
farms, and is of course somewhat greater than the average 
number of persons living on a farm, for some of the people 
had other occupations than farming. The number of im- 
proved acres per inhabitant may indicate several things. It 
is likely to be low in newly settled regions, or wherever many 
of the people live by hunting and fishing, as the Indians 
did, or by mining or lumbering ; also in regions of intensive 
agriculture, like China, Japan, and some parts of Europe; 
and in manufacturing regions like southern New England, 
where most of the food is imported in exchange for factory 
products. A large number of improved acres per inhabitant 
means extensive agriculture, and the soil may be either so 
poor that it takes a good many acres to support a family, 
or rich as in the wheat regions of the Northwest, where 
foodstuffs are exported and manufactured goods imported. 

Mules and asses are combined in this and several subsequent censuses, but the latter 
are so few in number that it makes very little difference in the per farm ratios 
if they are ignored entirely. 


A few elementary population statistics, such as density 
of population and percentage of negroes, are given in each 
table. The census did not in 1850, or at any other time, 
tell how many slaves were employed on farms, but the num- 
ber of slaves per farm is computed on the assumption that 
all the slaves were on the farms, which is not very far from 
the truth, for the towns were few and small in those days, 
and there was little need of slaves in them except as domes- 
tic servants.^ 

The counties used for the 1850 statistics are as follows: 
Appalachian Valley : — Cass (now Bartow) , Chattooga, Dade, 
Floyd, Gordon, Murray, Walker. Blue Ridge: — Gilmer, Ra- 
bun, Union. Upper Piedmont: — Campbell, Carroll, Chero- 
kee, Cobb, DeKalb, Fayette, Forsyth, Franklin, Gwinnett, 
Habersham, Hall, Jackson, Madison, Walton. Lower Pied- 
mont : — Baldwin, Butts, Columbia, Greene, Hancock, Harris, 
Jasper, Jones, Lincoln, Meriwether, Monroe, Morgan, Ogle- 
thorpe, Pike, Putnam, Taliferro, Troup, Upson, Warren, 

A few apparent errors in the 1850 figures as published 
must now be pointed out. Cass County was returned as 
having 52,575 acres of improved farm land and only 15,591 
unimproved. Perhaps these figures should be interchanged, 
for the other Valley counties had two or three times as much 
unimproved as improved land. Or it may be that the unim- 
proved (and therefore total farm land) is much too low, for 
the ratio of improved land to population seems about right. 
Franklin returned 330,811 acres unimproved, which seems 
a little too high, and Oglethorpe 219,712 improved, which 

In the Appalachian Valley the only towns for which we have census figures for 
1850 (and those are only approximate) were Rome, with about 3000 people, and 
Dalton, with about 2000. In the Blue Ridge there were no incorporated places. In 
the upper Piedmont, Atlanta had 2572 inhabitants, and Carrollton, Decatur and 
Monroe each less than 1000. Athens, about on the line between upper and lower 
Piedmont, had 1428. In the lower Piedmont were Madison, with 3516 (estimated). 
Griffin, with 2320, Milledgeville 2216, Lagrange 1523, Forsyth 657, and Washington 
462 ; while at the lower edge of the highlands were the fall -line cities of Augusta, 
with 11,753, Columbus, with 5942, and Macon, with 5720. 

The following counties existing at that time were not used, for the reasons here 
given. Paulding included what is now Polk, which is mostly in the Appalachian 
Valley. Lumpkin was then (as now, when it is considerably smaller) about equally 
divided between Blue Ridge and Piedmont. Clarke, Coweta, Elbert, Heard, Henry 
and Newton are about on the line between upper and lower Piedmont, and there- 
fore hardly typical of either. Bibb, Crawford, Muscogee, Richmond and Talbot, at 
the lower edge of the Piedmont, were partly or mostly in the coastal plain. 



seems about twice too high in comparison with the popula- 
tion, with adjoining counties, and with the same county in 
1860. (If the first digit was 1 instead of 2 it would be about 
right) . But these errors, if they are errors, do not affect the 
regional averages much. 


Agricultural statistics of upper Georgia, 1850. 

Inhabitants per square mile 

Percent white 

Percent free colored 

Percent slaves 

Percent illiterat e — adult whites. . . 

Percent of land improved 

Inhabitants per farm 

Improved acres per inhabitant .... 
Average number of acres per farm . 
Average improved acres per farm . . 
Value of land & buildings per farm 
Value of implements & machinery. 

Value of live-stock per f arm 

Number of slaves per farm 

Number of horses per farm 

Number of mules per farm 

Number of work oxen per farm. . 
Number of milch cows per farm. . 
Number of other cattle per farm. . 

Number of sheep per farm 

Number of swine per farm 

Value of animals slaughtered p. f . . 
Bales of cotton produced per farm. 
Bushels of corn produced per farm 





























































































$ 98 










> in 






















In each table there is one column of figures for each of the four regions discussed 
and another for the whole state. The highest number in each line is printed in heavy 
type and the lowest in italics, to show at a glance which region leads and which brings 
up the rear in any particular. Where one of the extremes falls in the last column it of 
course means that some region in South Georgia varies still more in the direction in- 
dicated. And where either italics or the heavy number is wanting, two or more 
regions rank so nearly equal that it is impossible to decide between them. 


It can be readily seen from the table that the lower Pied- 
mont region led in nearly everything except the percentage 
of whites, while the Blue Ridge represented the opposite ex- 
treme, and the Valley was between the upper and lower 
Piedmont in many particulars. The average lower Pied- 
mont farm was a plantation with about ten white people 
(presumably representing the families of the owner and the 
overseer) and a dozen slaves, and seven or eight work ani- 
mals, probably meaning five or six plows. As there were 
nearly ten acres of improved land for every man, woman 
and child, and the soil was up to the average in fertility, the 
people, both white and black, must have been in pretty com- 
fortable circumstances ; and this agrees with available con- 
temporary testimony. In size and value of farms this region 
was above the average for the whole United States. Of 
course some of the plantations were far above the average 
and many below, but the census of 1850 throws no light 
on such variations, as later ones do. 

In like manner one can draw a very different statistical 
picture of the Blue Ridge mountaineers. In that region 
there were only 2.6 improved acres per inhabitant, but a 
considerable part of the subsistence of the population must 
have been derived from wild game, and from cattle and hogs 
ranging the unfenced mountain-sides. The percentage of 
illiteracy there was over three times as high as among the 
whites of the lower Piedmont (and the same is true today) . 

Every region then had more horses than mules, and about 
twice as many hogs as people, but that state of affairs did 
not last much longer in some parts, probably largely be- 
cause mules are not raised on free range as many horses 
are or were, and the free range was rapidly diminishing with 
the extension of farms. 

Commercial fertilizers were then practically unknown, and 
the southern agricultural papers of that period are full of 
complaints about the exhaustion of the soil. In White's Sta- 
tistics (1849) we find the following illuminating comments 
on the soils of various Piedmont counties. Baldwin, "Lands 
generally much worn;" Clarke, "One-third worn out;"Colum- 


bia, "Injured by imprudent cultivation;" Elbert, "Impover- 
ished by bad cultivation;" Greene, "Much worn-out land;" 
Jones, "Soil much worn," Morgan, "Much waste, but being 
restored ;" Putnam (same as Elbert) ; Troup, "Some much 
worn;" Wilkes, "Has suffered much from injudicious cultiva- 
tion." In some sections at least this condition seems to have 
been met by getting more slaves and cultivating more acres 
to offset the diminishing yield per acre, but a more usual 
procedure was the abandonment of old fields and the clear- 
ing of new ones from the forests (a common practice in the 
tropics today) . 

The Eighth Census, of 1860, was directed again by J. C. 
G. Kennedy. The results were not published until the midst 
of the Civil War (the agricultural volume in 1864), but that 
does not seem to have materially affected their accuracy and 
completeness, and the fact that the southeastern states were 
then out of the Union is barely mentioned. 

That census did not give the number of farms in each 
county directly, but divided them into several size groups, 
which must be added together to get the totals. And in the 
case of states (except Nevada) the totals thus obtained are 
always less than those given in another table in the same 
volume. For Georgia the discrepancy is between 53,897 as 
compared with 62,003. This was nowhere explained, but 
may be due to the omission from the size classification of 
all farms having less than three acres improved, which 
might be either cattle-ranches or small market-gardens. It 
should be borne in mind ,theref ore, that in this way the size 
and value of the average farm in 1860 is unavoidably exag- 
gerated about 15%, if farm meant the same thing then as 
at other censuses. 

An interesting table in the 8th Census volume on agricul- 
ture gives the number of slave-holders in each county in the 
South, classified as to whether they owned 1, 2, 3, 4 (etc.) 
slaves. This enables us to compare the number of slave- 
holders with the number of farms, and also to plot the gra- 
dations of wealth, which are indicated in another way by 


the farm size classification. The other returns are of much 
the same sort as in 1850. 

Before 1860 Catoosa, Polk and Whitfield had been added 
to the list of Valley counties, and Paulding shifted to its 
present place in the upper Piedmont. New counties in the 
Blue Ridge were Fannin, Pickens and Towns, and there 
have been no further changes in county boundaries in the 
two northernmost regions to this day, unless some minor 
readjustments. Dawson and White had been carved out 
of Lumpkin, but that did not help the statistician much, 
for both are partly in the mountains and partly in the Pied- 
mont, like their parent. New counties for the upper Pied- 
mont are Banks, Clayton, Fulton, Haralson, Hart and Mil- 
ton (besides Paulding, explained above), and for the lower, 
Spalding. Most of the coastal plain portion of Talbot had 
been used in the formation of Taylor, so that Talbot now 
appears in the Piedmont column. About the same time War- 
ren had been made smaller and more homogeneous by carv- 
ing the new county of Glascock out of its coastal plain por- 

The principal cities and towns in upper Georgia in 1860 
were as follows: — In the Valley, Rome with 4010 inhabi- 
tants. In the upper Piedmont, Atlanta, with 9554, and Ma- 
rietta, with 2680. Between upper and lower Piedmont, Ath- 
ens 2848, Newnan 2546. In the lower Piedmont, Milledge- 
ville 2480, Eatonton 2009. Along the fall line, Augusta 
12,493, Columbus 9621, Macon 8247. 

The only apparent error that needs to be mentioned is 
that the unimproved land in Rabun County was returned as 
125,106 acres, which seems too high, as it is about nine times 
the improved land instead of five as in the other counties. 



Agricultural statistics of upper Georgia, 1860. 

Inhabitants per square mile. 

Percent white 

Percent free colored 

Percent slaves 

Percent of land improved 

Number of inhabitants per farm. . 
Improved acres per inhabitant .... 
Average number of acres per farm . 
Average improved acres per farm . . 
Percent of farms with over 100 

acres improved 

Value of land & buildings per f 'm . 
Value of implements & machinery. 
Value of live-stock per farm . . . . . . 

Number of slaves per slave-holder . 
Percent of holders with 10 or more 


Number of slaves per farm 

Number of horses per farm 

Number of mules per farm 

Number of work oxen per farm. . . 
Number of milch cows per farm. . 
Number of other cattle per farm. . 

Number of sheep per farm 

Number of swine per farm 

Value of animals slaughtered per 
farm ($) , 

Value of animals slaughtered per 
squire mile ($) , 

Bales of Cotton (1859) per farm. . 

Bales of cotton (1859) per sq. m.. . 

Bushels of corn (1859) per farm. , 

Bushels of corn (1859) per sq. m. , 



































The differences between the several regions were much 
the same in 1860 as in 1850, but in the intervening decade 
farming developed rapidly, not only in upper Georgia but 
throughout the South, and there is no telling what heights 
might have been reached if the Civil War had been post- 
poned a few decades. The population (particularly of 
whites) and number of farms indeed decreased a trifle in 
the lower Piedmont, but that probably merely indicated a 
rising standard of living on the part of the planters, so that 
they required more land to support them in the finer style 
to which they were becoming accustomed. The amount of im- 
proved land increased in every region, especially the first, 
which had not been thrown open to settlers until after 1830, 
and was therefore still not far from the frontier stage. The 
average size of farms increased also, more than enough to 
compensate for the unexplained discrepancy in numbers 
above mentioned. 

The apparent value per farm jumped up still more, but 
that seems to have been largely the result of a rise in prices 
all over the United States, following the discovery of gold in 
California in 1848. (Price curves constructed by economists 
do not show much difference in the purchasing power of the 
dollar between 1850 and 1860, strange to say, but the aver- 
age value of farms rose decidedly in every state except Cali- 
fornia) . 

The average value of slaves, of all ages, in Georgia ir 
1860 was about $900 per head, according to Phillips, so that 
slaves must have constituted more than half of the average 
planter's capital. 

The lower Piedmont region had more slave-holders than 
farms, which means that practically every farmer there, 
as well as some of the town people, owned one or more slaves, 
while in the other regions not more than half the farmers 
could have had any slaves at all. The number of white per- 
sons per farm remained about the same as in 1850, ranging 
from about nine to fourteen in different regions. Mules 
now outnumbered horses a little in the lower Piedmont, but 
not yet in the other regions. Hogs were now less than twice 


as numerous as people in most of the regions, and sheep 
were declining also, doubtless on account of the dwindling 
free range, and perhaps also on account of the increase 
of dogs with increase of population. 

The raising of cotton was on a boom, and the production 
per farm increased in every region, though perhaps not 
much in the lower Piedmont if we had the correct number 
of farms. In the whole state the acreage of improved land 
increased about 26% and the production of cotton over 40% 
during the decade. Corn meanwhile remained about at a 

The Ninth Census, of 1870, was directed by Gen. Francis 
A. Walker, of Massachusetts, one of the ablest demograph- 
ers this country has ever produced, but he worked under con- 
siderable difficulties. The method of enumeration was still 
governed by the census law of 1850, which the country had 
outgrown in several particulars. Worse still, so short a 
time had elapsed since the Civil War that conditions were 
rather unsettled in the South. It is commonly believed 
that the enumeration of 1870 was incomplete for the south- 
ern states, this conclusion being based chiefly on the fact 
that the census of 1880 showed a large apparent increase 
in some regions that had had little or no immigration in the 
decade, particularly in South Carolina. Soon after the tak- 
ing of the Tenth Census there were charges of "padding," 
and a special investigation made in South Carolina revealed 
quite a number of persons who claimed to have been living 
in the same communities in 1870 and not counted then. 

In one of the volumes of the Eleventh Census (Vol. 1, p. 
xii) an attempt was made to estimate the true population of 
the 13 southeasternmost states in 1870 on the assumption 
that the rate of increase between 1860 and 1870 was the same 
as between 1870 and 1880, as it was in the North, and this 
estimate increased the 1870 figure for whites by about 11% 
and for negroes about 12%. But the assumption of equal 
increase in the two decades is faulty, for even if not a man 
had been killed in the war on either side the South would 
have felt the strain more than the North, on account of a 
larger proportion of the population being engaged in it, and 


the final defeat and reconstruction period. So perhaps the 
9th Census was as near complete as most of the others; 
and anyway, incompleteness would not necessarily affect 
the ratios showing average farm conditions. 

Another possible source of error in 1870 is the unknown 
number of negro farmers. Before the war they were neg- 
ligible, but after emancipation of course the freedmen 
gradually became farm proprietors (though not necessarily 
owners). General Walker said of this: 

"The plantations of the old slave states are squatted all 
over by the former slaves, who hold small portions of the 
soil, often very loosely determined as to extent, under al- 
most all varieties of tenure Efforts were made to 

impose something like a rule which should govern in the 
returns of agriculture at the South ; but after a weary and 
unprofitable struggle the Superintendent was fain to accept 
whatever could be obtained in regard to the agriculture of 
that region, without greatly criticising the form in which 
it came." ^ 

This sounds rather hopeless; but nevertheless it seems 
very probably that in upper Gergia at least there were very 
few negroes owning, managing or renting farms in 1870. 
At that time the freedmen were nearly all (92% of those 
over 10 in Georgia, and probably 95% of the adults) still 
illiterate, and hardly capable of managing their own affairs ; 
and most of the planters were trying to continue the old 
plantation system as nearly as possible, substituting hired 
labor for slaves. And in the mountain region there were 
very few negroes anyway, so that comparisons between 
1860 and 1870 there ought to be fair enough. So if we as- 
sume that in 1870 all the farms in Georgia were owned and 
managed by white men, and that none were overlooked by 
the census enumerators, we will perhaps be not more than 
ten percent in error. 

In 1870 the values were reported in paper currency, which 
was worth only 80% as much as gold, or in other words, gold 
was at a premium of 25%, and the currency inflated that 

B Compendium 9th Census, p. 692. 


much. And the gold itself was probably cheaper in 1870 
than in 1860, so that prices for the two periods are not 
closely comparable. After making allowance for all this, 
however, a great slump in farm values, due to the war, is 
still evident. The amount of improved land increased a little 
in the mountains, but fell off in the other regions, especially 
the lower Piedmont, which was the most prosperous before. 
The number of farms increased everywhere, but they were 
all smaller, and worth only about half as much per acre as 
before the war. The census did not give separate figures 
for the value of farm land until 1900, but Rev. C. W. How- 
ard, in the first of his articles cited on a preceding page, 
stated that the average value of land in Georgia, according 
to the Comptroller's report, was $4.85 in 1860 and $3.42 in 
1866, and still going down; though in his second article, 
written about 1874, he observed that land values had nearly 
returned to the 1860 figures. There was a considerable de- 
cline in all sorts of live-stock, especially hogs, which were 
now fewer than people, except in the mountains. 

In making comparisons between 1860 and 1870 there are 
no new counties to be taken into consideration anywhere in 
Georgia, fortunately. The larger cities had increased in 
population faster than the rural districts, as usual (and this 
tendency seems to be more pronounced in war times, as we 
have all observed lately), and that put the upper Piedmont 
region ahead of the lower in density of population, a lead 
which it has maintained ever since. But several of the 
smaller towns lost population during the decade, if the enu- 
meration was equally accurate both times. ^ 

The agricultural returns were a little more complete than 
before, woodland now being separated from other unim- 
proved land on farms, and the annual value of farm products 
and the amount of wages paid being given. The only ap- 
parent errors noticed are that the ratio between woodland 

« The principal cities and towns in the Valley were Rome, with 2748 inhabitants, 
Cartersville, with 2232, Dalton 1809, and Adairsville 603. In the upper Piedmont 
Atlanta had 21,789, Marietta 1888, and Jonesboro 531. Between upper and lower 
Piedmont were Athens, with 4251, Newnan 1917, and Covington 1121. In the lower 
Piedmont, Griffin, 3421, Milledgeville 2750, LaGrange 2053, Washington 1506, Mad- 
ison 1389, Eatonton 1240. The fall-line cities stood as follows: Augusta 15,389, 
Macon 10,810, Columbus 7401. 



and other unimproved land varies too much in different 
counties, probably because this new inquiry was often mis- 
understood; the value of land and buildings in Habersham 
and Hart Counties seems too low; the value of animals 
slaughtered seems much too low in many counties ; and the 
cotton production of Pickens County is returned as 14,739 
bales, a figure which is probably about a thousand times 
too high, and may belong to some other county (possibly 
Pickens County, Alabama). 

Agricultural statistics of upper Georgia, 1870. 

Inhabitants per square mile 

Percent white 

Percent colored 

Percent of land improved 

Number of inhabitants per farm. . 
Improved acres per inhabitant .... 
Average number of acres per farm . 
Average improved acres per farm . . 
Value of land & buildings per farm 
Value of implements & machinery. 

Value of live-stock per farm 

Number of horses per farm 

Number of mules per farm 

Number of work oxen per farm. . . 
Number of milch cows per farm. . 
Number of other cattle per farm. . 

Number of sheep per farm 

Number of swine per farm 

Value of animals slaughtered per 


Value of all products per farm . . . 
Wages paid, including board, per 


Bales of cotton per farm 

Bushels of corn per farm 





o g 




















































































































This census still finds the lower Piedmont region leading 
the state in most particulars, but not quite as many as 
before the war. The yield per acre of both cotton and corn 
was very low. 

The Tenth Census (1880) was in charge of General 
Walker again, but under a new census law framed by him, 
which made it the most satisfactpry census ever taken up 
to that time, and in some respects it has not been surpassed 
since. For the first time farms were classified according to 
tenure, orchards and pastures were separated from other 
improved land, and the number of chickens and other poul- 
try, the expenditures for fertilizers in the preceding year, 
and the acreage of the principal crops were given. Several 
of these innovations are taken advantage of in Table 4. But 
combining orchards and pastures (which indeed can hardly 
be separated in New England, where General Walker lived) 
is absurd in Georgia, so that all improved land is here 
lumped together, as before. The definition of improved 
land adopted at this time was that "tilled, including fallow 
and grass rotation (whether pasture or meadow)," and 
"permanent meadows, permanent pastures, orchards, and 

A backward step taken at this census was classifying 
farm sizes according to total acreage, instead of by improved 
acreage as in 1860 and 1870. For a considerable part of al- 
most every farm in a wooded region consists of forest, which 
does not differ in any important particular from the forests 
outside of the farms. But in the present paper no use is 
made of the farm size classification in 1880. 

It is also unfortunate that General Walker, with all his 
originality, did not think of publishing separate statistics 
for white and negro farmers. But a northern man could 
hardly have been expected to appreciate the great differ- 
ences in standards of living between the two races, and 
no such distinction was made until 1900, and then only to 
a limited extent. By 1880 doubtless many negroes in Geor- 
gia were operating farms, as tenants if not owners (the il- 
literacy percentage for that race had come down to 81.6), 


SO that the per farm ratios in Table 4 do not mean much, 
except in the mountains where negroes are scarce. 

Between 1870 and 1880 there were four new counties 
created in upper Georgia, namely Douglas, in the upper 
Piedmont, Oconee and Rockdale, between upper and lower 
(and therefore not used), and McDuffie, in the lower Pied- 
mont. Most of the cities and towns were growing, as usual, 
especially Atlanta. ^ 

Under the head of errors there is an easily detected typo- 
graphical one in the number of farms in Columbia County in 
the tenure table (which can be checked by comparison with 
another table, and adding other figures in the same table). 
The pasture areas seem unreliable in many cases, for rea- 
sons above given, but they are not used here. The areas of 
counties were given for the first time, but are so obviously 
inaccurate in some cases that they have been ignored, and 
the same information taken from later censuses instead. 

T In the Valley, Rome had 3877 inhabitants, Dalton 2516, Cartersville 2037, and Ce- 
dartown 843. In the upper Piedmont, Atlanta 37,409, Marietta 2227, Gainesville 
1919, Roswell 1180. Between upper and lower Piedmont, Athens 6099, Newnan 
2006, Covington 1415, Conyers 1374, Elberton 927. In the lower Piedmont, Milledge- 
ville 3800, Griffin 3620, LaGrange 2295, Washington 2199, Madison 1974, West 
Point 1972, Barnesville 1962, Greensboro 1961, Eatonton 1371, Forsyth 1105, War- 
renton 1022, Talbotton 1008. Fall line cities, Augusta 21,891, Macon 12,749, Co- 
lumbus 10,123. 





Agricultural statistics of upper Georgia, 1879-80 




Inhabitants per square mile 

Percent white 





' 4.2 








52 9 

Percent colored 


Percent of land improved 

Number of inhabitants per farm . . 
Improved acres per inhabitant. . . . 




Percent of farms operated by owners 
Percent by cash tenants (renters) . 
Percent by share tenants (croppers) 
Average number of acres per farm . 
Average improved acres per farm. 
Value of land & buildings per farm 
Value of implements & machinery . 
Value of live-stock per farm 


































Number of horses per farm 

Number of mules per farm 

Number of work oxen per farm . . . 
Number of milch cows per farm. . 
Number of other cattle per farm. . 

Number of sheep per farm 

Number of swine per farm 

Number of chickens per farm. . . . 
Number of other poultry per farm. 


























Cost of fertilizers (1879) per farm 
Value of products (1879) per farm 
Cost of fertilizers per impr. acre. . 
Value of products per impr. acre . . 















Percent of improved land in cotton 
Percent of improved land in corn . . 
Percent of improved land in oats . . 
Percent of improved land in wheat 

Bales of cotton per acre 

Bushels of corn per acre 














Bushels of oats per acre 


Bushels of wheat per acre 



By 1880 the amount of improved land had recovered, and 
passed the 1860 figures, except in the lower Piedmont region. 
Commercial fertilizers, just coming into general use, must 
have made it profitable to cultivate again some of the ex- 
hausted old fields. 

There were more owners than tenants in the three regions 
where white farmers are in the majority, and vice versa, for 
fairly obvious reason. It is interesting to note that share 
tenants (croppers) are eight to twenty times as numerous 
as cash tenants (renters) in the first three regions and less 
than twice as numerous in the fourth. This is explained by 
Dr. Brooks in his "Agrarian revolution in Georgia" by the 
fact that where negro farmers are in the minority they are 
much more likely to work under the immediate supervision 
of white men than where the proportions are reversed. 

The low values and number of animals per farm are 
probably due to the inclusion of some negro farmers in the 
averages, except in the Blue Ridge, where some other expla- 
nation must be sought. Mules now outnumber horses, ex- 
cept in the mountains, oxen are going out of style or at least 
getting scarce, sheep likewise, and hogs are barely holding 
their own. 

On the face of the returns the most progressive farming 
in 1879-80, judging from the expenditures for fertilizers 
and the value of products per acre, was in the upper Pied- 
mont region. But there is good reason to believe that the 
white farmers of the lower Piedmont, probably mostly the 
sons of the ante-bellum planters and overseers, or in many 
cases the same men, were still maintaining their supremacy. 
This can be tested when we come to the statistics of later 
censuses, where the races are separated. 

ADDENDUM. An interesting feature of the Tenth Census cotton production re- 
port cited on page 11 is that information about soils and agricultural practices was 
furnished by one or more of the leading farmers in each county, including several 
who afterwards took a prominent part in public affairs, such as Prof, (now Chancel- 
lor) David C. Barrow, Leonidas F. Livingston, A. H. McLaws, J. B. Norman, W. J 
Northen, W. L. Peek, and C. J. Welborn. 



United States Court, Southern District of Georgia 

The law is neither a trade, nor a solemn jugglery, but a 
science. It is founded on great philosophical bases, although 
that part of it which receives its sanction from legislative 
assemblies not infrequently confuses, if it does not confound, 
some fundamental principle of civilization which should 
govern man in his relation to his fellowmen. There exists 
and ever has existed among lawyers, publicists, and philoso- 
phers a controversy over the propriety and the beneficent 
consequences of the reduction of the law into a single body 
of law or code. One conception of the origin of law rests on 
the theoretic assumption of a social contract supposed to 
have been entered into by men in a state of nature. Another 
conception is that law emanates only from a supreme civil 
power commanding what is right and prohibiting that which 
is wrong. Still another conception is that all law is of divine 
origin, whether derived from nature or ordained by God as 
revealed in the Holy Scriptures. But all schools of thought 
concur in the idea that the law should be so expressed as 
to be most easily within the grasp and comprehension of the 
people intended to be controlled and governed by it. The 
law should never be, as the edicts of Caligula, hung upon 
high pillars beyond the power of the people to read and to 
know; nor be buried in the labyrinths of hidden mystery 
resulting from its formulation and development in individ- 
ual instances. 

About two centuries before the codification of the French 
law, there was a sharp controversy between the heads of 
the English equity and law courts — Bacon and Coke — as to 
the best form of judicial expression of reported cases. The 
scholarly logician of the Chancery Court advocated the 


enunciation of the controlling principle in the form of max- 
ims, to be applied in the decision of subsequent cases. The 
great Chief Justice of the Law Court was of the opinion that 
each case was gy^{ generis ^^^ ^hat only confusion could 
result from the application of a maxim or series of maxims, 
each of which could not extend to all the multiform features 
of the particular case. One great advantage of the code 
is that it furnishes something like a standard of authority 
where none exists. 

The most celebrated code before the Code Napoleon is the 
Code of Justinian. This code largely furnished the material 
of the Code Napoleon, and a passing reference to it is justi- 
fiable. In the early years of his reign, Justinian commis- 
sioned Tribonian, the ablest lawyer of his time, with the as- 
sistance of Theophilus, a professor in the law school of Con- 
stantinople, and Dorotheus, a professor in the law school 
of Berythus, and other associates, to codify the Roman civil 
law. They undertook to do this by collecting the imperial 
constitutions of the Roman emperors, remodelled so as to 
eliminate confusion, contradiction, repetition and disorder. 
Supplementary to this work, the authoritative commentaries 
of the jurists were harmonized and published under the title 
of Pendects or Digests. Based on the foregoing, the com- 
mission evolved a systematic treatise on the whole body of 
law in elementary form for the guidance of students and 
lawyers, which was put forth under the title of "Institutes." 
These books were followed by the "Novels" or new laws, and 
the whole constitutes what is known as the Corpus Juris 
Civilis of Justinian. The Roman law as thus expressed was 
the best and noblest development of the Roman civilization. 
It had a long contest, extending over a thousand years, with 
the forces of barbarism. It survived the blind brutality of 
the Middle Ages and now dominates the greater part of 
the civilized world. 

About twelve centuries after the great work of Justinian 
was given the sanction of law by imperial edict, the Code 
Napoleon was promulgated. It was on March 31, 1804, that 
the French Civil Code was declared to be the law of France. 


On September 3, 1807, it received the official title of the 
Code Napoleon. After Napoleon's downfall a law was passed 
restoring the original name, but a decree of March 27, 1852, 
reestablished the title of Code Napoleon. It goes now under 
the name of the French Civil Code. 

Perhaps the inducing cause for the preparation of the 
Code Napoleon was established an authoritative body of law, 
and to remove all uncertainties as to legal doctrines. The 
great revolutions of France which preceded Napoleon's ac- 
cession to power had overthrown many of the ancient con- 
ceptions of law; had rejected many of the royal ordinances 
and had advanced individualism to a dangerous eminence. 
The severities of the law of the old regime had been allevia- 
ted in certain provinces by exceptions to general laws and 
the recognition of binding local customs and usages. The 
law of France was in great confusion. The old regime had 
attempted to prepare a comprehensive plan of law based on 
the results of the labors of Tribonian, and had collected and 
adjusted some of the material. The two first assemblies of 
the Revolution addressed themselves to the task of unifying 
the law, but were able to prepare only a few fragments of 
it. There existed when the great Corsican became first 
consul a vast juridical literature, expository of the common 
customary law of France and many discordant decrees and 
statutes, naturally resulting from the disturbed political 
conditions. This condition of affairs quite justified Vol- 
taire's sarcasm that a traveler in France had to change laws 
about as often as he changed horses. The want of a tri- 
bunal whose decisions might be received as of authority 
throughout France, had been a principal cause of the reten- 
tion of those diversities in local customs, which had 
formerly regulated the different territorial divisions of the 
country. The National Convention undertook the removal 
of the cause of these uncertainties of doctrine, by the estab- 
lishment of the Court of Cassation for the review of the 
judgments of the Court of Appeal of all the several depart- 
ments. But this court had been in existence a little over 
ten years when Napoleon appointed his code commissioners, 


and besides, the remedy of correcting these evils by judicial 
decision was inadequate. 

Very soon after his accession to power as First Consul, 
Napoleon appointed a commission, or council of state, to 
prepare a code of laws for the French Empire. In com- 
municating to the commissioners notice of their appoint- 
ment, the Minister of Justice informed them that the First 
Consul desired that the work should be performed in the 
promptest possible manner. The arrangement of titles was 
soon settled by adopting the plan of the Institutes of Justin- 
ian in the general divisions of the code. The subject titles 
were (1) Of Persons, (2) Of Property and of different kinds 
of ownership, and (3) Of the different ways of acquiring 
property. Following this general arrangement, the prelim- 
inary draught of the Civil Code was made in four months. 
This draught, in the main, was an adoption of the text of 
the Roman law, or its approved glosses, except where the 
old local jurisprudence was adhered to. By this judicious 
plan the commissioners were enabled to complete the pre- 
liminary draught within such a short period. The draught 
was next submitted to the local courts of appeal of each of 
the departments, then one hundred or more in number. 
These tribunals reported freely their objections, proposed 
amendments and made suggestions. The draught was also 
submitted to the Court of Cassation, who also revised it and 
reported in detail their views. Afterwards, the original 
draught of the commissioners, with all these reports, passed 
under the revision of the section of legislation of the Council 
of State, composed of the President of the Court of Cassa- 
tion and seven other eminent jurists. The whole matter 
then was brought before the Council of State, where each 
title was either passed as reported or amended by a major- 
ity vote. The Council of State was presided over by Napo- 
leon, or during his absence, by Consul Cambaceres. Thirty 
members participated in the discussions. Napoleon person- 
ally engaged in many of them. His intervention in the dis- 
cussion was usually upon questions in which directly or 
indirectly some political interest was more or less concerned. 


He gave his reasons for his opinions ; they were cogent, and, 
according to report, expressed with clearness and precision. 

The form of the law having been thus determined, it was 
transmitted from the Council of State to the Tribunate, 
where it was again the subject of consideration and discus- 
sion. The views of the Tribunate were then reported to the 
Council of State, who passed on such amendments as the 
Tribunate had suggested. After the proposed law had been 
thus again passed upon in the Council of State, it was pre- 
sented to the legislative chamber. Before this final state 
of the business, "the motives" of each of the proposed laws 
had been set forth in pamphlet form by "orators of the 
government." After four years of discussion, the different 
acts were consolidated into a single body of laws. The code 
as thus expressed was a fusion of customary laws, of royal 
ordinances, and laws of the Revolution, and of the vital 
principles of Roman private law expressed with remarkable 
clearness and brevity. So dominant are the principles of 
the Roman law that the peculiar French element is not even 
characteristic of the work. 

Never was Napoleon's triumph more complete than in 
his code of law. The laurels of Marengo withered long ago 
and the sun that blazed in glory upon Austerlitz forever 
set on the fatal field of Waterloo. Exiled upon a lonely 
island, he had the satisfaction of feeling that though he 
was sheared of political empire the combined world could 
not shake off his empire of law. 

The influence of the Code Napoleon has been very great 
not only in France but also abroad. Belgium was living 
under it, when the ruthless successor of Attilla laid his 
desolating arms upon that prosperous country. The Dutch, 
Italian and Portugese codes have taken it for a model. The 
Spanish code and the codes of Central and South America 
are virtual reproductions of it. It has had a potent influence 
on the boasted common law of England, and many of the 
principles of the English common law have been restated 
in consonance with some of its great postulates of natural 
equity. In our own country, the laws of the State of Louis- 


iana are but its reflection and the great state of California 
has incorporated much of it in its system of jurisprudence. 
When Japan suddenly burst the cerements of its ancient feu- 
dalism and copied enthusiastically the political institutions 
of England and America, she repudiated the English com- 
mon law and turned to the Code Napoleon for guidance and 
direction in the formulation of her system of jurisprudence. 
With the exception of the United States and England, the 
Code Napoleon, with more or less qualification on account ol 
local circumstances, practically governs the civilized world. 

It is especially noteworthy for its simplicity and clearness 
of statement. It has been the subject of heated controver- 
sies, but its adoption in Central and Southern Europe, in 
Central and South America, is irrefutable evidence of its 
great merit. 

The Code Napoleon solved the problem of prescribing the 
law in those cases not expressly covered by its provisions, 
by requiring the judges to give decision on all cases whether 
contemplated or not by the Code and referring them gener- 
ally to the following sources: (1) "Equite naturelle, loi 
naturelle, (2) Roman law, (3) Ancient customs, (4) Usages, 
examples, decisions and jurisprudence, (5) Droit common, 
(6) Maxims, doctrines and science. The Code has produced 
a number of commentaries, which has developed a system 
of equitable extension of its basic principles to conditions 
not expressly provided for. In this way the Code under- 
takes to meet every question that may arise in the complex- 
ities of modern civilization. 

An excellent literal translation of the original edition of 
the Code Napoleon was made by a barrister of the Inner 
Temple, London, and may be found in the State library. It 
contains 2281 sections and in bulk it is about three-fourths 
of the size of one of our Georgia Reports. I was particu- 
larly struck with the amount of space given to the matter 
of divorce under the title "Of Persons," and to the subject 
of "Contracts of Marriage" under the title of "Modes of 
Acquiring Property." The Code Napoleon recognized di- 
vorce by mutual consent. This was only allowable where 


the marriage relation had continued for two years and 
where the husband was over twenty-five years and the wife 
was between twenty-one and forty-five years. The pro- 
vision for a consentient divorce is guarded with many re- 
strictions. It was under these provisions that the great 
Emperor divorced his childless wife in order to contract a 
second marriage in the hope to establish a dynasty. 

In the course of my reading I have examined essays and 
books in which the motive of Napoleon in causing the Code 
to be prepared was brought in question. One prominent 
writer attributes the inducing cause for the preparation of 
iiiis monumental work to the vanity of the First Consul. 
The emperors Justinian and Theodosius had promulgated 
codes that had perpetuated their glory and names. These 
codes had been followed by the Prussian Code, which bore 
the name of the great Frederick, whom alone of modem 
strategists, Napoleon regarded as entitled to bear a compar- 
ison with himself. But the prevalent opinion is that the 
First Consul foresaw the necessity of providing a stable 
state when war should cease and his prodigious mind appre- 
ciated that such a result could only be secured by laws 
certain in statement, equitable and just in their scope, and 
impartial in their execution. The Emperor's motive is 
rather to be found in the latter concept, because when an 
exile at St. Helena he declared that the best monument 
which he had erected for himself was the promulgation of 
the Code Napoleon. 



Edited by 
R. P. BROOKS. Ph.D. 
University of Georgia 


Navy Department, Second Auditor's Office, 
Washington, D. C, March 7, 1853. 
Dear Howell: 

Your letter of the 1st, post marked the second was re- 
ceived this morning and permit me first of all to express my 
warmest thanks for your kind offers in my behalf. My 
friends assure me that I will not be removed & if Gen Pierce 
[is] true to his inaugural I cannot be. When Gen. Scott 
was nominated by the Baltimore Convention I took my posi- 
tion. I wrote to Jones^ a letter for publication, urging him 
to place the Union party of Georgia in the front ranks by 
nominating a Pierce & King ticket, but he would not do it. 
I differed with my friends about the Webster Movement, & 
always thought that I was right & time would demonstrate 
it. The inaugural shows who was right. The Union party 
could not have elected one of their own men who could have 
so completely programmed their doctrines. Stevens & 
Toombs & Dawson^ swear by the inaugural & say if Pierce 
carries out these principles they will sustain his adminis- 
tration. But the errors of the past can only be atoned for 
by profiting by them & avading similar ones in the future. 
I consider the inaugural address is the most complete tri- 
umph to the Union party that has ever yet fallen to their 
lot, & while some of our friends will no doubt think it 
strange that Dobbin & Davis two fire-eaters should hold 
places in the Cabinet, I conceive that even their acceptance 

1 Probably the editor of the Ausrusta (Ga.) Chronicle and Sentinel. 
» W. C. Dawson, Whig: member of Congress from Ga., 1836-1841 ; U. S. Senator, 
1849-1855 ; presided over the Memphis Convention of 1853. 


enhances the Union victory. It is said they were first 
notified with the programme of the inaugural & their ac- 
ceptance now is considered a complete surrender. My 
impression is that Gen. Pierce tendered them appointments 
in his Cabinet under the impression that they would not 
accept, & at the same time test their sincerity as to their 
willingness to be again reconciled to the National Demo- 
cratic party. Thus far we have the principles & the fire- 
eaters the offices, & in all probability both have triumphed 
in what they were contending for. Things will work well. 
We shall be united at the South & the Union men will have 
the confidence of the people. My own impression is that Gen. 
Pierce has committed but one error, & that no doubt has 
been brought about by over estimating the high-toned 
chivalry of the Southern fire-eaters.He has made them sub- 
mit to the principles of the Union Party. I think he should 
have given the Union men a personal triumph in appointing 
you as one of his Cabinet. Though it is questionable 
whether the humiliation of your adversary is not a keener 
gratification in political controversies than the elevation of 
your friend. His neglect to appoint you was unjust to the 
Union party South & North. Ross of Pa. & Fuller of Maine 
were devoted friends to you. It is said that old Cass was 
tendered the right to select a man & he chose McLelland — 
Buchanan selected Campbell. Marcy I think was an original 
selection. Dobbin was recommended by the electoral college 
of N. Carolina. Guthrie I have no doubt was selected on 
account of his talents & his being a strong Union man in the 
late controversy. Davis was the selection of the fire-eaters 
generally. Gushing I think was the personal friend of 
Pierce. Upon the whole I think it is a pretty good Cabinet 
with the principles of the inaugural at the mast-head. 

The time has not come to know the operating causes in 
the appointments. I will learn them after a while, & will 
keep you advised. Buchanan will go to England & a foreign 
mission will in all probability be given Dix. The reason 
for which is this, that he has been more in the way of the 
Hunker Democrats than any other man in New York, his 


influence resulting from the purity of his character in pri- 
vate life, besides he desires to get loose from the free 
soilers. Pierce has evidently commenced right in his prin- 
ciples, his appointments are objectionable to some, but they 
will waive all objections if he proves true to his inaugural. 
The Union men have not only his endorsement that the 
Compromise measures were constitutional, but conceived in 
the same spirit that actuated the fathers of the Republic. 
Not only that he brings up some of the leaders of those who 
denounced the Compromise as unconstitutional, & unjust, 
and makes them swear that they were wrong & we were 
right. Could a triumph be more complete? 


- — 1853. 
To the Editor of the Constitutionalist: 

Your paper of the 16th contains an editorial on "The Next 
Governor", on which I desire to offer some comments. To 
the general tone and spirit of the article, I can give my full 
approbation. So far as you urge a hearty union of all who 
are Democrats in sentiment in support of the truly Demo- 
cratic, National, and unionloving — administration — which 
I confidently look forward to under Pierce, I sympathize 
with you and cheer you on in the good work. Nor shall I 
stop to quarrel with you for your implied exclusion from 
your good graces of those who last fall supported what you 
think proper to call the "Tugalo Ticket." 

As one of those who advocated that ticket I have no 
apologies to make nor recantation to offer. I considered 
the ticket called "Democratic" to have been put in the field 

1 William Hope Hull, of Athens, Ga., close personal friend and former law partner 
of Cobb's. 

» This communication was' reproduced in the Chronicle and Sentinel, April 6, 185S, 
with the following introduction : "As a part of the history of the times, we pub- 
lish the following letter defining Gov. Cobb's position in the late presidential 
eanvass. The intimate personal and political relations between Mr. Hull and the 
Grovernor, justify the impression that his statements are entirely correct." 


irregularly, and improperly, and to have been nominated at 
the time and under the circumstances that it was, for the 
express purpose of offending the Union Democrats, and 
kept up as standing insult and degradation to them. Such 
being my views, although I had no concern whatever in get.- 
ting up the "Tugalo Ticket", and if I had been consulted, 
would have advised against it, as exposing us to certain 
defeat, and as placing us in a false position in the eyes of 
Democrats in other States, who did not know of the facts, 
yet when it was brought out, and the race had to be run, I 
had no difficulty in choosing my position. At the same time, 
I never blamed those Union Democrats who taking a differ- 
ent view of the question of feeling which was involved, 
determined on a different course. 

I should not have deemed the position of [a] single indi- 
vidual in private life, like myself, worthy of so many words, 
were it not that I believe what I have said expresses the 
feelings of many, if not most of those Union Democrats 
whom you nickname Tugalos. We acted then on our feel- 
ings perhaps more than our judgment, but we ask for no 
sympathy or forgiveness. We now support in good faith 
the administration of General Pierce, and shall co-operate 
with all who do likewise, nor shall we stop to enquire 
whether we are regarded by other gentlemen of the party 
with cordiality or otherwise. 

But my object in writing is not to discuss these matters, 
but to disabuse your mind and those of your readers, as to 
the position of Gov. Cobb in that matter. Your article gives 
me the opportunity of doing [for] Gov. Cobb, what his 
magnanimity has prevented his doing for himself. I write 
without his knowledge, and possible what he would not per- 
mit if he knew it. But it is due to truth and justice that his 
position should be known. The writer of this, professes to 
be as well informed as any other man, as to the opinions, 
sentiments and views of Gov. Cobb, and I affirm that which 
I know, when I say, that the ticket which was put up aftei 
the Atlanta meeting was brought out against his wishes and 
advise, and against his earnest efforts to prevent it 


I know that he wrote urgent letters to Judge James Jack- 
son at Carnesville, where Gen. Wofford was during Court, 
pressing upon him to see Gen. Wofford, and endeavor by 
every argument to induce him to decline running on that 
ticket, and to accept the place on the regular ticket, which 
he was then advised would be tendered to him. So far from 
his "Sympathy and secret efforts", being for the "Tugalo 
Ticket*', he disapproved of the movement from the first to 
last, and his friends knew it. 

It is true that Gov. Cobb was in favor at Atlanta, of a 
different course from the one pursued. From the day when 
the Union electoral ticket was nominated at Milledgeville, 
he had labored to bring about a compromise of the ticket on 
terms which could secure cordiality, and harmony among all 
the friends of Pierce and King. 

The Atlanta meeting was called at his suggestion, and for 
the purpose of promoting that object. Before it assembled 
it had become obvious that our proposals of compromise 
would not be responded to. Gov. Cobb proposed in that case 
to nominate a ticket composed of those gentlemen of the 
other ticket who had evinced a willingness to arrange the 
matter, and to fill up the other places with the names of 
Union Democrats, and call on the whole Democracy of the 
State to rebuke by their votes the spirit of proscription and 
persecution, which had been manifested by some of our 
Southern Rights brethren. This was his whole course in the 
matter. The Atlanta meeting decided differently, and in 
their decision Gov. Cobb acquiesced and gave, as I before 
said, no encouragement whatever to those who did not. 

It is asked why he did not publicly announce that disap- 
probation ? It would have been politic in him to do so, but 
the noble and generous heart of Howell Cobb shrunk from 
striking a blow that would wound his friends, even though 
he thought them in the wrong. The list of names advocat- 
ing the movement included many who were his best and 
nearest friends. They had stood by him through storm 
and sunshine, and though his sense of duty prevented his 
aiding them, he was not the man to lift his hand against 


them. He has patiently borne all the vituperation and 
obloquy which has been heaped upon him on that account, 
and still bears it. 

The time has come — now when the election is over — now 
when the new Administration is fully formed, and the sus- 
picion of seeking Cabinet offices can no longer be aroused in 
the minds of the most uncharitable, that his friends owe it 
to him to make his true position known. Gov. Cobb now 
stands prepared to sustain the great Democratic party to 
which he has always belonged and fights as a private in the 
ranks for the imperishable principles of Jefferson, Jackson 
and Polk, and which he hopes and believes will derive addi- 
tional strength and lustre from the Administration of 
Franklin Pierce. 


Carnesville, Ga., March 7, 1853. 
Dear sir: 

The proper course of political action to be pursued by that 
portion of the democracy with whom you and I are identi- 
fied, is the subject of some discussion in this part of the 
state. Some are in favor of adhering to or reviving the 
Union organization of 1850 and 1851. Others believe that 
the issues on which the party was organized have passed 
away, and that the existence of such a party is no longer 
practicable or desirable, and that the National Democratic 
party is our true place. 

The confidence which our people have for many years re- 
posed in you, and which gives to your opinions great weight 
on all such questions, induces me to believe that a letter 
from you giving your views on the matters alluded to would 
be acceptable and useful. I shall be glad if you would 
favor me with such an expression of your opinions, to be 

^ This letter was printed in the Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel, April 11, 185S. 



Milledgeville, Georgia, March 21st, 1853. 
Dear sir : — 

As Union Democrats, we are called upon to choose between 
the re-union of the Democratic party, and the reorganiza- 
tion of the Union party. Having fully expressed myself fav- 
orably to the first proposition I will give the reasons which 
have influenced my own decision, and which I think should 
control the course of every Union man who intends to 
identify himself with the National Democratic party. 

The Democratic party of Georgia was disorganized by the 
divisions in its ranks on the Compromise measures of 1850. 
That portion of the party with which I acted regarded those 
measures as conformable to the principles of the National 
Democracy — ^violative of no Constiutional right of the south, 
and an infliction of no grievous wrong. The other wing of 
the party holding a different opinion, the party was dis- 
solved, and new organizations sprang up in the place of the 
Democratic and Whig parties of the state. The issue was 
made and submitted to the people of Georgia, and by them 
decided; and that decision solemnly reaffirmed. The same 
issue was presented to the Democracy of the Union, and, 
when assembled at Baltimore to nominate their candidates 
for President and Vice President, the position of the Nation- 
al democracy upon the Compromise was clearly, distinctly, 
and unequivocally announced. With that declaration all 
Union men were perfectly satisfied — in truth it was all that 
they could desire. The Presidential canvass was conducted 
upon it; General Pierce did not hesitate to respond in the 
most cordial terms of approval of this patriotic declaration 
of the National democracy. He was elected by an over- 
whelming majority of the electoral votes and upon entering 
upon his responsible duties, has paid another tribute to the 
"wisdom and patriotism," which carried the country safely 
through that "perilous crisis" which gave birth to the Com- 
promise measures. He has called around him a cabinet of able 

1 This letter was printed in the Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel, April 11, 185S. 


and patriotic men, who stand as a unit in his counsels, and to 
whom, as I am informed, his inaugural address was submit- 
ted for approval prior to their acceptance of seats in his 

Under these circumstances ought any Union Democrat — 
indeed any Union man, whether whig or democrat — to hesi- 
tate in giving to the present administration his confidence 
and support? To proceed one step further; ought any such 
man hesitate in cordially affiliating with the National demo- 
cratic party ? I think not. Both the President and the party 
who elected him have commended themselves to our confi- 
dence and regard, by the course of policy they have adopted 
upon this important question, and I hold that it is not only 
our privilege but our duty to give to both our cordial and un- 
conditional support. Should either prove unworthy of it, 
of which I have no fears, it will be time enough then to con- 
sider "of the mode and measure of redress." The question 
then presents itself, how is this support to be given most 
efficiently to the administration and the democratic party? 
It seems to me that there can be but one answer to the 
inquiry. It is by a cordial co-operation in the democratic 
party of all who are prepared to stand upon the platform of 
principles announced by the Baltimore Convention, endorsed 
by the people in the recent election, and reaffirmed by Gen. 
eral Pierce, with the concurrence of his cabinet, in his inau- 
gural address. Upon this basis it is proposed to re-unite the 
Democratic party. As a Union democrat it meets my cordial 
approval, and shall receive my warm support. I have not 
reviewed the position of the other wing of the party. On 
the contrary I shall avoid it, having no disposition to reopen 
the points of division that led to our separation. My object 
is simply to state our own present and past course, to show 
that in the policy now proposed we are acting in conformity 
to the requirements of duty and principle. It is sufficient 
for me to know that the Democratic party of the State can 
now be re-united upon the terms which I have suggested; 
and I shall not stop to inquire by what route others have 
traveled to arrive at the same point with myself. However 


much we have differed in the past, we are now agreed upon 
the essential points of our political faith, and being so 
agreed we should strive to effect a thorough and cordial co- 
operation in the support and maintenance of our common 
principles. To this line of policy I have heard but two ob- 
jections which have been urged with any earnestness, and 
I avail myself of the opportunity to offer a brief reply to 
each of them. The first is that there exists a radical differ- 
ence of opinion between the two wings of the party on the 
doctrine of "secession." I admit that such is the fact, in 
reference to individual members, but I doubt much as to 
the extent of this difference with the great body of the 
party ; but let the fact stand admitted in its broadest sense, 
for the sake of argument. I would inquire of those who 
make this objection, if the same thing has not been true 
of the party for the last twenty years, at least? Is it not a 
familiar fact that whilst the Jackson democrats held the 
doctrine as laid down by that venerated patriot in his mes- 
sage to Congress and his proclamation to South Carolina; 
the Calhoun democrats at the same time contended for the 
right of seccession as advocated by their distinguished 
leader — the followers of each have maintained the faith of 
their respective leaders, and will in all probability continue 
to do so. This difference of opinion, however, upon an ab- 
stract question, did not prevent the union and cooperation 
of both sections, in all the essential doctrines of the demo- 
cratic party, upon which there existed no diversity of opin- 
ion. With a full knowledge of those differences, they con- 
tinued to act together in the same party, leaving the ab- 
stract question of "secession" to the judgment of the indi- 
vidual members of the party, neither making the affirma- 
tion or denial of that doctrine a test of party faith. I see 
no reason for departing from the rule then acted upon. It 
will be time enough to make "secession" a cause for divis- 
ion when it is sought to make the recognition of it a test of 
party loyalty, or when there shall arise a party who may 
threaten its practical enforcement. The first of these con- 
tingencies is not at present proposed from any quarter, and 


whenever a crisis shall demand the latter, in the judgment 
of the people, I do not apprehend that we shall stop to dis- 
cuss the abstract question, if we are agreed upon the more 
important point of the necessity and propriety of its enforce- 
ment. If, however, we should not be thus agreed, as was 
the case in our recent contest, there will be no more difficulty 
in the future than there has been in the past, in meeting 
and successfully resisting its recognition and enforcement. 
This objection, therefore, presents to my mind no serious im- 
pediment in the way of reunion of the democratic party in 
our State. 

The only remaining objection which seems to demand at- 
tention, is founded upon the idea that there exists among 
southern rights men of such deep personal hostility to Un- 
ion democrats as to preclude the probability of our receiving 
justice at their hands. It is urged that their opposition 
being of a personal and malignant character will not cease 
with the re-union, but will be continued and felt in the fu- 
ture operations of the party. It is a sufficient reply to their 
objection to say, that it is an argument addressed to our 
fears and not to our judgment — as such it shall be discarded 
without further thought; but it is also founded in error as 
to our supposed weakness in the party. If no other consid- 
eration should cause our rights to be respected, we may 
safely calculate upon the homage always paid to power, car- 
rying as we do into the re-united party all the elements of 
strength which make up the aggregate, the power and influ- 
ence of a party. In looking, however, to the re-union of the 
party, I do not apprehend such a state of things as this ob- 
jection foreshadows, and perhaps I shall have as much per- 
sonal cause of apprehension upon this point as any other 
Union democrat. It is true that the angry and violent con- 
tests of the last two years have embittered the feelings and 
aroused the passions of many towards each other, who will 
now be thrown again into the same party associations ; but 
time and reflection will prove successful restoratives of 
good feeling where interest and policy fail to accomplish it. 
With weak minds and bad hearts the process will be less 


rapid, but in the end, not less certain. It will be found that 
those who indulge in this spirit of hostility are few in num- 
bers, and powerless in influence. The good sense and good 
feeling of the great body of the party will invoke a better 
spirit, and lead to wiser and purer counsels. The danger 
to the future union and harmony of the party from that 
quarter, I feel assured, is over-estimated by those who re- 
gard it as an insuperable obstacle in the way of a cordial re- 
union of the democratic party. 

I am opposed to the reorganization of the Union party, 
however, because it is unnecessaray. An important crisis in 
our national affairs called that party into existence. I par- 
ticipated in its organization, and during its existence took 
an active interest in all its operations, and can now look 
back with pleasure and satisfaction to its successful career. 
It was, in my judgment, a patriotic organization, demanded 
by a peculiar state of our political affairs, and having faith- 
fully discharged its office, has passed away with the causes 
which led to its formation. It lived to see the triumph of 
its principles, and ceased to exist when its longer continu- 
ance was equally impracticable and unnecessary. 

To revive and maintain the Union party as a sectional or- 
ganization would be violative of the great principle of na- 
tionality upon which it was founded. On the other hand, to 
attempt its continuance as a national organization, is delu- 
sive, as it wuold stand isolated from all national party as- 
sociation. In the history of the dissolution of the Union 
party, we find conclusive evidence that it cannot maintain 
a national organization. It will be remembered that the 
Democratic Convention at Baltimore nominated candidates 
and adopted a platform entirely acceptable as to the Union 
party ; our own State Convention assembled and determined 
to support the democratic nominees, and put forward an 
electoral ticket for that purpose. A large and respectable 
portion of the whig wing of the party, who admitted that 
the democratic nominees and the platform were satisfactory, 
and at the same time repudiated the whig nominee as un- 
sound and unworthy of their support, withdrew from the 


party preferring to throw away their votes on a nominal 
candidate [instead] of affiliating wtih the National Demo- 
cratic party, notwithstanding that party had presented them 
with a platform of principles and nominees, pledged to the 
maintenance of their Union doctrines.' I allude to this ac- 
tion in no spirit of complaint, recognizing, as I do, the per- 
fect right of those gentlemen to pursue the line of policy 
which they adopted ; my object is simply to show that the 
elements composing the Union organization of Georgia are 
incapable of being moulded into one and the same National 
organization. The democratic portion of the party is not 
only prepared for but determined upon affiiliation with the 
National Democracy, whilst a large portion of the whig wing 
is equally determined against such affiliation, as is clearly 
exhibited by the course pursued by their respective portions 
in the late Presidential election. President Pierce and the 
democratic party have no stronger claims upon the whig 
support now, than during the canvass ; for all that has been 
done since the election has only been in confirmation of their 
previous declarations. In that view of the case it is a mani- 
fest proposition to my mind, that the Union party of Geor- 
gia, if re-organized, could only maintain a fitful existence 
as a State or sectional party, and would be dissolved at the 
first approach of a national election. 

Apart from these considerations, I regard the re-organiza- 
tion of the Union party as unnecessary for the purpose in- 
dicated, of giving its support to the present administration. 
If the whole people of Georgia are prepared to sustain Gen. 
Pierce's administration, I can see no good reason why it 
cannot be done as efficiently under Democratic as a Union 
organization. Why can we not all unite i nthe democratic 
party? If we are all agreed upon the principles to which 
Gen. Pierce and the Democratic party stand pledged, there 
can be no sound objection to our union and co-operation in 
the name of the Democratic party. I should be happy, in- 
deed, to believe that such was the condition of the public 

> The reference is to Toombs and Stephens, who in refusing to support Pierce and 
King, killed the Union organisation, of which they with Cobb, had been the leading 


mind of our State — ^as it would give our people a respite 
from the angry contests of political parties, and enable them 
to appropriate more of their time and energy to the develop- 
ment of our State's almost endless resources — but I must be 
pardoned the expression of a serious doubt upon this point, 
and shall be agreeably disappointed if the future should 
convict me of incredulity. I entertain no doubt that a large 
number of our citizens, who have heretofore acted with 
the party, will be prepared to unite with the democratic 
party, as the most efficient mode of sustaining an adminis- 
tration which they have aided in bringing into power, and 
which possesses their confidence and regard. 

All who feel willing and ready to affiliate with the national 
democracy, can have no controlling objection to this course, 
and those who are not prepared to go to this extent thereby 
exhibit a distrust of the democratic party and its chosen ad- 
ministration, which render their and our future co-operation 
in the same organization, impracticable. 

I have now given you with perfect candor my reasons for 
advocating the re-union of the democratic party of our 
State. I believe that it will be affected upon terms "fair, 
just and honorable," and that it will eventuate in the suc- 
cess and permanent triumph of the national democratic 
principles. If this important result is accomplished, it will 
b^ a matter of small moment what may be the effect upon 
mere personal aspirations whether of one or the other wing 
of the party. 


Executive Department,^ 
Milledgeville, 23d June, 1853. 

Dear Sir: 

Some time since I issued my warrant for the arrest of a 

free negro, by the name of Charles Covey, in compliance 

with a requisition from your Excellency. 

1 Executive Letter Book, 1847, p. 407. 


The enclosed communications create a strong presump- 
tion, that the froms of Law have been prostituted to a gross 
outrage, and feeling that, if true, it constitutes a violation 
of the laws of your State, I have determined to bring the 
subject to your notice for such action as you may deem 
proper in the case. 

It is of much importance to the slave holding States that 
this constitutional provision should not be trifled with, and 
it is peculiarly our interest to guard against the commission 
of such acts, as are here alledged to have been committed. 
In the view which I have taken of the subject, I hold, that 
the State upon which the demand is made is bound to re- 
gard the application of the Executive of the other States 
as conductive of all the facts alledged in the requisition. If 
this is the correct view of the question, it is important that 
the State making the demand should see to it that its forms 
are not used for unauthorized and illegitimate purposes. 


New York, Aug. 28, 1853. 
Dear Gov [ernor] : 

I called this morning to see you and to urge you to accept 
of and even to ask the President to confer upon you the appt. 
of minister to France. I ask this not only because of the 
exalted opinion which I entertain for you myself, but also 
because I believe your appointment would be hailed with 
peculiar satisfaction by the people of the U. S., and demo- 
cracy of the North West in particular and by none more sin- 
cerely than by my colleagues, Hon. A. C. Dodge and B. 
Heron as well as by Gov. Dodge of Wisconsin, each of whom 
I know anxiously desired as I did to see you fill a place in 
the Cabinet of Prest. Pierce before it was formed. 

In conversation with the President the other day he ex- 
pressed to me an exalted opinion of you and would, I have 
no doubt, make you Minister Pleno. to France if he thought 


you desired it. I beg you, therefore, to mention the sub- 
ject to him and to forward or present this letter from his 
and your friend. 


Atlanta, Ga., Oct. 28, 1853. 
Dear Howell: 

I am now on my way to Mississippi, if the Yellow fever 
does not scare me back. In that event I shall be found in 
Milledgeville doing all I can in my humble sphere for you. 
I regret that my business in Miss, is such that I cannot well 
postpone the visit until after the election. 

I exacted of Warren a positive promise before I left him 
yesterday that he would go to Milledgeville. Say nothing 
to him about what I wrote you in relation to his expenses. 
Warren has heard from a Lumpkin man that Riley is for 
you. He has also heard that the Cherokee delegations are 
also for you. I think there will be no doubt about our mem- 
bers. I. H. Arnold and several other S[outhern] R[ights] 
men from our County also advocate your election. Gardi- 
ner's article I think is having a good effect and I think the 
skies are brightening. This at least seems to be the opinion 
of all with whom I have conversed. Lucius Lamar^ is for 
Chappell. He says Chappell wants the place, but if he finds 
the demonstration in your favor he will not make the fight. 
Reynolds of Newton is not so strong an anti-Cobb man as 
he was two weeks ago. He says there are other democrats 
he would prefer, but if the contest should be between you 
and Tumlin,2 he will do all he can for you. I endeavored to 
get Hillyer to write to some of the members of his district, 
but his election is secure and he is perfectly easy. I wrote 
that Bleckley 3 was for you. I did not hear him say so, but 

» L. Q- C. Lamar, of Covington, Ga. Later he removed to Mississippi. Secretary of 
Interior in Cleveland's cabinet; associate justice of the Supreme Court of the 
United States. 

« Col. Lewis Tumlin, a Union Democrat of Cartersville, Ga. 

» Logan E. Bleckley, a Southern Rights Democrat; later chief justice of the Supreme 
Court of Georgia. 


was told by Rutherford and Genl. Sanf ord that there was no 
doubt about it. I should have known with certainty what 
his position is but for his absence tonight. 

Hoping that when I meet you again it will be as Senator 
Cobb, I am, 


Nov. 1st, 1853. 
My dear Howell : 

My mind has been in such a state of anxiety in regard 
to your election that I cannot help writing you again. I have 
almost determined to be at Milledgeville, and see what the 
party are going to do. Never will such an effort be made 
to defeat any one as yourself, and if the Democrats allow it 
to be done, we may from this time henceforth in Geo. hang 
up our fiddle in the willows, and clothe ourselves in sackcloth, 
our enemies will have triumphed, because to beat you now 
is their last card. If they succeed, the game is theirs. It 
does seem to me, that in view of everything both here & 
elsewhere, present & future, the sensible men of the party 
should be on the ground and raise their voices against the 
course some of our men are pursuing. I understand that the 
Whigs intend voting for Warner & with his friends elect 
him. How is this, Warner ^ is the man we will have to con- 
tend against & he will be used by our enemies. The other 
candidates can be controlled I think. The sentiment is gen- 
eral here for you and our hopes for future success depend 
on it. I would rather not see you run than to be beaten. We 
are great in an emergency. Now is the time my dear fellow 
to test your powers and to achieve a victory over our enemies 
that will be worth every other one of your whole life. It is 
the pivot of your future distinction — gain this and I think 
all will be easy in the coming struggles. About what time 
will this election take place. What are your views? But I 
must go up. Write me if I can get a decent room. 

» Jno. Milledge, a strong supporter of Cobb in the organization of the Constitutional 
IPnion Party of 1850. 

» Hiram Warner, born in Massachusetts 1802. Came to Georgia about 1819 as a school 
teacher ; later admitted to the bar ; justice of the Supreme Court of Georgia, 1845- 
1853 ; member of Congress, 1855-1857 ; a Southern Rights Democrat. 



Executive Department, 
Milledgeville, 8th Nov., 1853. 

Fellow Citizens^ 

of the Senate and House of Representatives : 

In discharge of my constitutional duty, I proceed to lay 
before you such matters as should receive your attention 
during the present session of the General Assembly. 

On the twentieth day of October 1851, the public debt 
amounted to $1,687,472.22. By the act of December 4th, 
1851, ratifying the contract of my predecessor and the Chief 
Engineer of the Western & Atlantic RailRoad, for the pur- 
chase of iron for the State Road, it was increased $200,000. 
By act of January 12th, 1852, providing for the repairs and 
equipment of said Road, it was still further increased the 
sum of $525,000 — and by the act authorizing a subscription 
to the Milledgeville and Gordon Rail Road, there was added 
the sum of $20,000, making the total amount of the State 
debt $2,432,472.22. To this amount should be added the 
bonded debt of the Central Bank, which is now $369,500; 
having been diminished by the payment of $5,500, since 
the 1st November 1851. The total liability of the State is 
thus seen to be $2,801,972.22, from which must be deducted 
the sum of $164,500, which has been paid during the past 
two years, under the provisions of the act of February 11th, 
1850, providing for an annual Sinking Fund for the payment 
of the public debt. The present debt of the State therefore 
is $2,635,472.22. 

The bonds authorized by the act of 4th December, 1851, 
were made payable at the State Treasury, and the interest 
payable semi-annually at the Bank of the State of Georgia 
in Savannah. These bonds were negotiated for a premium 

The practice in Georgia was for the governor at the end of his administration to 
lay before the General Assembly an account of his stewardship and suggestions as 
to legislation. The message here given is the only one of any considerable impor- 
tance during Cobb's administration. It is reprinted from a pamphlet among the 
Irwin papers. 


averaging about two per cent. I was satisfied that our bonds 
should command a higher premium, and finding upon an in- 
vestigation of the subject, that a more advantageous nego- 
tiation could be effected, by making them payable in New 
York, — I caused the bonds issued under act of January 12th, 
1852, to be made payable at the Bank of the Republic in 
the city of New York. They were negotiated at a premium 
of 5 per cent. It is the first instance in which our State se- 
curities had been disposed of at any premium, and it should 
be gratifying to our State pride to know, that the bonds of 
our State now stand among the first securities of their class 
The bonds of no State in the Union command more of the 
confidence of capitalists who seek a safe investment of their 
funds. This confidence is not misplaced, for no State in the 
Union has more ample means to meet its liabilities, and no 
people are more tenacious of the credit and honor of their 
State, than our own. 

As the interest of a portion of our bonds has to be paid in 
New York, it becomes necessary for the Treasurer to keep on 
deposit there, a sufficient sum of money to meet the interest 
as it falls due. This has been done under my direction. If any 
doubts exist as to the power or propriety of this course — it 
would be advisable that all such doubts should be quieted by 
passing a law authorizing such deposits to be made. The 
necessity of it is so obvious that I deem it unnecessary to 
present any argument in support of the recommendation. 

I refer you to the accompanying report of the Treasurer, 
in which will be found a tabular statement of the public 
debt, showing at what time each portion of it will fall due. 
From this statement you will find that a very large portion 
of our debt will become due about the same time. This mat- 
ter should receive the attention of yourselves as well as your 
successors, in order that by a course of wise and judicious 
legislation, the payment of our bonds may be anticipated, 
otherwise we should be called upon to make very large pay- 
ments, within a very short period, which would lead either 
to burdensome taxation, or an extension of time for the 
eventual liquidation of our liabilities. Both results can and 


ought to be avoided. In the present prosperous condition of 
our State affairs, there will be no difficulty in creating a 
Sinking Fund, which will entirely discharge the public debt, 
before it shall have fallen due. There should be additional 
legislation of this subject, giving to the Executive full 
power and discretion to appropriate the surplus means of 
the Treasury to the purchase of our bonds under such limi- 
tations as your judgment may deem advisable. The present 
law leaves the question in some doubt, whether or not the 
legislature intended any premiums should be paid by the 
State in the purchase of bonds not yet due. Such however 
is the present high character of our State securities with all 
classes of capitalists, that it is impossible to obtain them at 
par. As long as individuals are willing to pay a premium 
for these bonds, so long will the State also be compelled to 
pay a premium for such as she may wish to redeem in ad- 
vance. I have thought it advisable to make the purchase 
at a small premium, to the amount required by law to be an- 
nually redeemed. There is no other safe investment of a 
Sinking Fund, and as a matter of economy it is better to 
pay the premium, than to allow the money to remain un- 
disposed of in the Treasury, tempting the Legislature either 
to unnecessary and wasteful expenditures or to an unwise 
reduction of taxes. I call your attention particularly to 
this subject, that such laws may be passed as will carry out 
the public will in reference to it. 


By the act of December 10, 1851, I was authorized to 
transfer the assets of the Central Bank to the Treasury, 
when in my discretion the interests of the State should re- 
quire it. Believing that there was no longer any necessity 
for continuing that institution in existence, for any other 
purpose than to wind up and close its business, I appointed 
the commission authorized by the foregoing act, to investi- 
gate the condition of the Bank, and transfer its remaining 
assets to the Treasury. I herewith transmit their report 
from which it will be seen what was the coi^dition of the 


Bank at that time. The accompanying report of the Treas- 
urer will exhibit its present condition, as well as its opera- 
tions since it has been transferred into his hands. There 
are yet outstanding many debts, some of which will be col- 
lected, but from the larger portion nothing will ever be 
realized by the State, and it becomes a matter for your con- 
sideration, what disposition shall be made of its remaining 
and unavailable assets, and also what provision shall be 
made for meeting and discharging its liabilities. Upon 
a careful examination of the affairs of the Bank, I am satis- 
fied, that after exhausting all its resources, there will be 
left the amount of $369,500, which must be paid from the 
Treasury. It is for this reason that I have placed the bonds 
of the Bank in the computation of the public debt, which 
I have already submitted to you. I would recommend that 
the Executive be authorized to take up these bonds, and 
issue regular State bonds in their stead, provided satisfac- 
tory arrangements can be made with the present holders 
of them. In addition to this amount it will be necessary 
for you to provide by law for the payment of about the 
sum of $20,000. This amount has been borrowed by the 
Treasurer, under my direction, to meet the accruing interest 
on the Central Bank bonds, the funds of the Bank falling 
short by that amount. This step was necessary to save 
the credit of the State, as these bonds are regarded in pub- 
lic estimation as a part of the public debt, and if we had 
failed to have paid this interest promptly, the effect would 
have been to have depreciated the general credit of the 

It is useless to encumber the Treasury longer with the 
remaining assets of the Central Bank, which will continue 
worthless and unavailable as long as they remain the prop- 
erty of the State. I know of no better disposition that 
could be made of them than by selling them for whatever 
they would bring. To keep them and attempt their collec- 
tion, would involve the State in continued expense and liti- 
gation, without any remunerating benefit. 



The accompanying report of the Treasurer will give you 
a clear and satisfactory account of the operations of that 
Department during the past two years. You will observe 
that this report is complicated with a useless statement of 
unavailable assets of the Treasury. These stereotyped items 
have been repeated from time to time, without the slightest 
benefit to the State, throwing no light upon the condition 
of the Treasury, and leading to no possible beneficial result. 
As long however as no action is had by your body on the 
subject, it will be necessary for the Treasurer to encumber 
his report with them. I recommend therefore that you take 
such steps as will relieve the department from the necessity 
of further reference to these worthless assets by directing 
them to be destroyed under the direction of the Executive 
or a committee of your body. The report of the Treasurer 
shows the available balance in the Treasury on the 20th 
October 1853, to be $74,857.35. Concurring as I do, in the 
estimates contained in his report of the probable expendi- 
tures of the next two years, I deem it unnecessary to add 
anything on that subject. 

There has been collected from the General Government 
during the past two years, the sum of $144,890.53. These 
claims have been long standing, and the State is now in- 
debted for the collection of so large a portion of them, of 
the energy and ability with which they have been urged 
by the agent appointed by my predecessor, and continued by 
myself, Joseph Sturgis, Esq. There is yet unsettled claims 
due to us from the General Government, but I am unable 
to say, at what time you may expect their payment. It would 
be unwise to calculate upon the reception of any portion of 
it, in your legislation upon the Finances of the State. For 
additional information you are referred to the accompanying 
report of Mr. Sturgis. 

I herewith transmit to the General Assembly, the report 
of the Financial Committee for the year 1852, and call your 
attention to its statements and recommendations as worthy 


of consideration. The Report of the Comptroller General 
is also herewith transmitted. 


It was provided by the tax act of January 9th, 1852, and 
the supplementary act of January 21, 1852, that the sum 
of three hundred and seventy-five thousand dollars should 
be raised under those acts for the support of the govern- 
ment for each of the political years of 1852 and 1853. In 
the first act the rate of taxation was limited to one twelfth 
of one per cent. The supplementary act was passed under 
a well founded apprehension that the required amount would 
not be realized at that rate. This last act required the Gov- 
ernor with the assistance of the Comptroller General to 
consolidate the returns of the various tax receivers, and au- 
thorize them to fix the rate of taxation at such per cent as 
would raise the sum of three hundred and seventy-five thou- 
sand dollars. Upon the examination of the tax digest as 
required, by this law, it was ascertained that it would re- 
quire a tax of one tenth of one per cent, to raise the amount 
which the Legislature had fixed upon; and accordingly the 
necessary orders were issued to that effect. This was true 
of the returns for each of those years, and there was conse- 
quently no change in the rate of taxation for the present 
year. The passage of those acts introduced a new system 
of taxation in our State. The ad valorem principle was for 
the first time incorporated into our laws, though its justice 
and propriety had long been seen and felt by our people. 
For many years the friends of a fair and equitable system of 
taxation had sought to modify the old law, which was ad- 
mitted to be unjust in its operation and indefensible in prin- 
ciple. Every candid and fair minded man recognized the 
correctness of the principle that every citizen should be 
required to pay for the support of his government, according 
to the extent and value of his property. Upon that principle 
an ad valorem tax should be based, and when faithfully 
carried out, must command the approval and support of 
every man who is willing to bear his due portion of the bur- 


den of Government. That the present tax law fully comes 
up to this standard, I am not prepared to say. The object 
of its f ramers was, however, to approximate it, and if they 
failed to reach it, the duty is imposed upon their successors 
of applying the lights of experience and practical opera- 
tions to its modification and improvement. It is not strange 
that an untried experiment, should be found to be defective 
in some of its details ; it is rather a matter of surprise that 
more obvious and glaring mistakes should not have occurred 
in the first effort, to adopt a new, radically differing from 
the old system. I am aware of the fact that there exists in 
the public mind, in some portion of the State, very strong 
prejudices against this law, but I am well satisfied that these 
prejudices are not so deeply rooted, as to defy the approach 
of reason and sound sense. In most instances it will be 
found that this opposition is limited to some provisions of 
the law, which may with propriety be modified and improved, 
and for that reason your attention should be directed to such 
modifications as will make it conform more exactly to the 
ad valorem principle. Let the details of the law be scru- 
tinized, its defects brought to light, and the proper remedy 
applied by wise and judicious amendments. With many per- 
sons the merits of the present law has been subjected to the 
test of comparing the amount of taxes paid by them under 
the two different systems. They find that their tax has 
been increased and without further inquiry they attribute 
that increase entirely to the change in the law. A simple 
statement will exhibit the incorrectness of this conclusion. 
The amount of taxes collected for the political year 1851, 
under the old system, was $291,077 38-100, whilst the 
amount collected for the year 1852, was $377,165 60-100. It 
must be borne in mind that the Legislature saw the neces- 
sity of raising an increased sum, and therefore provided in 
the act of 1852, that there should be raised the sum of $375,- 
000. If therefore, there had been no change in the system 
— it would have been necessary to have increased the taxs 
about twenty-five per cent. To compare then the operation 
of the two systems fairly, in individual cases, such persons 


should first add twenty-five per cent to their tax as paid in 
1851, and compare the amount thus ascertained with the 
amount which they actually paid under the present law. 
When this is done, it will be found that their increased tax, 
is owning, not to a change of the law, but to the increased 
necessities of the State. 

Another objection has been urged to the present law, 
which is found in good reason and is worthy of your con- 
sideration. It results from the difficulty of ascertaining the 
true value of the tax payers property. Such is the peculiar 
organization of men's mind, that with the most honest in- 
tentions, they differ widely in their estimate of the value 
of property ; whilst others unwilling to contribute their due 
portion to the support of government, place so low an esti- 
mate upon the value of their property, as to cause just 
ground of complaint with their more conscientious and gene- 
rous neighbors. As every man is at liberty under the pres- 
ent law, to value his own property, he can put whatever esti- 
mate he pleases upon it. The law appeals to his conscience 
alone on this subject, and there is no mode provided for 
reaching those, who are indifferent to the obligations of 
truth and honor. It is gratifying to know that the number 
of this class is small. An examination of our tax digests 
will show the fact, that with the great body of our people, 
there has been exhibited a disposition to make a fair and 
just return of their property. The cases of the few, how- 
ever, should be reached, and I would recommend that some 
provision be made by law for assessing the property of those 
who seek to avoid the payment of their just dues to the 
State, by falsely estimating their property below its true 
value. This and similar defects in the details of the law, 
should be remedied by prompt legislation. Time and experi- 
ence will thereby, ultimately perfect the system, and render 
it acceptable to all classes and interests. The ad valorem 
principle being recognized by all, as being right and just, 
it only requires prudence, firmness and wisdom in enforcing 
its application, to secure for a law based upon it, the cordial 
approval of the people. 


For the purpose of instituting a comparison of the taxes 
paid by our own people, with that paid by the people of the 
other States, I addressed a circular letter to the Executives 
of the several States, aslcing for a statement of their tax 
laws. To this communication, I received many replies, but 
not enough to carry out the original object I had in view. 
The information, however obtained, was sufficient to satisfy 
my own mind that we pay as little as the people of any other 
State, whilst as compared with some of the States, our tax 
is almost nominal. As low as our present taxes are, .we 
may look forward to the time when they may be greatly 
reduced. As soon as the Public debt shall have been extin- 
guished, we can with propriety reduce our taxes one half, 
and that too, without looking to any other source of revenue 
for the ordinary expenses of the government. This is cer- 
tainly a gratifying state of things, and will go far to con- 
ciliate the feeling of opposition that has been engendered 
in the public mind against the present system. Firmness 
in the maintainance of the ad valorem principle — wisdom 
in the adoption of amendments suggested by experience, 
and economy in the administration of the government, will 
soon dispel all prejudice and opposition with a wise and pa- 
triotic people. 


By the act of January 15th, 1852, I was required to ap- 
point a Superintendent of the Western & Atlantic Rail Road, 
who should have the general management and control of 
that work. I appointed Wm. M. Wadley, Esq., who entered 
upon the duties of his office on the first day of February, 
1852. The means of the road had fallen far short of its 
necessities, and the result was that the Road was in a 
wretched condition. My predecessor and the former Chief 
Engineer of the road, realizing this fact had very properly 
purchased a large quantity of iron for its repair. The con- 
tract made by them was approved by the last Legislature 
by the act of Dec. 4th, 1851. When Mr. Wadley entered 
upon his office, he encountered all the difficulties, which this 


state of things had brought about. The last Legislature, 
intending to provide amply for the thorough repair and 
equipment of the road, by the act of January 15th, 1852, 
appropriated the sum of $525,000, for that purpose. This 
sum would have been sufficient, if it could have been applied 
to the objects contemplated by the Legislature, but unfor- 
tunately it required much the larger portion of it to pay 
off the former debts of the road which had been accumulat- 
ing from its first organization. We were therefore com- 
pelled to look to its revenues to do that, which it was the 
intention of the Legislature should have been done, with 
this appropriation ; and this fact will account for the disap- 
pointment of those, who had calculated upon an accruing 
revenue to the State Treasury from the proceeds of the 
road. I refer you to the accompanying Report of Mr. Wad- 
ley and his successor Mr. Yonge for a more full and satis- 
factory statement of the facts to which I have thus briefly 
alluded. It is hardly necessary for me to speak of the man- 
ner in which these difficulties were met and overcome by 
the Superintendent. The energy and ability displayed by 
him are so familiar to the public, that it would be a work 
of supererogation to remark upon it. He did all that could 
be done, and I venture to add, more than any other man 
would have effected under the same circumstances. I need 
not add, that his entire management of the affairs of the 
road, met my cordial approval. 

On the first day of February, 1853 Mr. Wadley resigned 
his office of Superintendent — and I appointed George Yonge, 
Esq., to fill his vacancy. It is due to Mr. Wadley to state 
that he did not leave his post until he had satisfied me, that 
the interests of the road would not suffer from his with- 
drawal. In his successor I have found an able, experienced 
and faithful officer, whose successful management of the 
road as exhibited by his report, is the best encomium that 
can be passed upon his services. 

It affords me much pleasure to call your attention to the 
present condition of this great State work. The Reports of 
the Superintendents will show you in detail its operations 


during the two past years. The failure to report any profits 
paid over to the State Treasurer has already been accounted 
for. The fact, however, that profits have been realized, and 
appropriated to the wants of the road, should satisfy your 
minds — that with wise and judicious management, it must 
for the future be a source of revenue to the State. No ad- 
ditional call is made upon the Treasury for aid. Its own 
revenue will soon complete the necessary repairs, and equip- 
ments, and discharge its remaining liabilities. 

I call your attention to the recommendations, contained 
in the Superintendent's report. Founded as they are upon 
his experience in the management of the road — they should 
receive your careful consideration. The act of the last Leg- 
islature which authorized the road to be sued in any county 
through which it passes — ought to be modified. I can see 
no good reason, why this discrimination should be made 
against the State road. All similar companies have to be 
sued in the county in which their principal office is located. 
This is right and proper. It is the place where their books 
are kept and their business transacted, and therefore the 
proper point for the litigation of claims against them. It 
is problematical whether the State should submit to being 
sued at all — but certainly she ought not to embarrass her 
officers with burdens not imposed upon other companies. 
The road passes through counties belonging to three judi- 
cial districts, and it miglit happen that the Superintendent 
would be sued and required to attend Court in different 
counties at the same time. This consideration alone shows 
the propriety of a change in the law. In this connection 
I call your attention to the fact, that suits have been com- 
menced in the State of Tennessee. I have directed pleas to 
the jurisdiction of the Court to be filed in all such cases, 
and the question if decided against us, to be carried to the 
highest Court of the country. We have a right to complain 
of this proceeding on the part of our neighbors, as it was 
principally to gratify them, that the doors of our own Courts 
were thrown open to claimants against the State road. If 
the Courts should maintain their jurisdiction in the State 


of Tennessee, and the road subjected to the trouble and an- 
noyance of this litigation, it will devolve upon the Legisla- 
ture to determine, what course they will adopt in reference 
to the Western terminus of the Road, that will most effec- 
tually put a stop to such proceedings. 

The important question for your consideration in con- 
nection with this great work is, what shall be the future 
policy of the State in reference to it? Realizing the deep 
interest felt by our people in the decision of this question, 
I submit to you my views fully on the subject. 

By some a sale of the road is proposed. I trust however, 
that the advocates of this policy are not numerous, and I feel 
certain that their number will be lessened, in proportion 
as you satisfy the public mind that the road can be success- 
fully carried on, under State management. To sell the road 
would be to disappoint that general expectation which has 
so long looked to the completion of this enterprize for a 
source of reliable revenue to the State. The funds raised 
by the sale could not be appropriated to the extinguishment 
of the public debt, as that is not due. There is no profitable 
investment of it that could be made, and the result would 
be — that by the time, the public debt had to be met, this 
fund would have been exhausted in wasteful and unnecessary 
expenditures. Increased taxation would then be the only 
means of meeting the liabilities of the State. I feel confident 
that no argument is required against a policy which will in- 
evitably lead to such a result The proposition to sell two 
thirds of the road is equally, if not more objectionable. The 
same consequence would follow to a great extent. Besides 
it is the unvarying lesson taught by our experience, that 
the State is the sufferer in every copartnership which she 
forms of this character. The road should either be under 
the entire control of individual interest, or under the ex- 
clusive management of the State. A departure from this 
rule, would certainly lead to no good result, and I trust that 
the experiment will not be made. Rejecting then the propo- 
sition to dispose of the road, I recur to the inquiry, what 
is the best policy for its future government? In the man- 


agement of a railroad, two ideas should be kept prominently 
in view, uniformity and permanency in its system, and a 
responsible head to manage and control its affairs. Frequent 
changes, and divided responsibility are incompatible with 
the successful operation of any rail road. Looking to these 
considerations I feel conscious of the difficulties which must 
attend any plan which has yet been suggested for the gov- 
ernment of the State Road, but the preference should be 
given to that system which is freest from these objections. 
The two plans which have been most generally considered, 
are, first, the present one which leaves the road under the 
control of the Executive and a Superintendent appointed by 
him. The other proposes to constitute a board of Commis- 
sioners and invest them with the power, now lodged in the 
hands of the Governor. My own mind at one time favored 
the latter proposition. Experience and observation, how- 
ever, have fully satisfied me, that it will not do. The idea 
of a board of commissioners was derived from the Board 
of Directors, appointed by private corporations, for similar 
duties ; and the argument drawn by analogy from this source 
would be good, if these Directors discharged the duties, 
which the public supposes them to perform ; such, however, 
is not the feat. The best Board of Directors for a rail road 
Company are those, who have sagacity and judgment enough 
to submit the entire management of their roads to the Presi- 
dent and Superintendent. In adopting a general system, 
for the management of a road, their counsels may some- 
times be heeded with some advantage ; but when the detailed 
operations of the road are to be considered and disposed 
of — the least said or done by them, the better it is for the 
interest of their company. If a Board of Directors should 
attempt to revise the dealings of a President and Superin- 
tendent with their subordinates, reinstating such as had in 
their judgment been improperly removed, or forcing the 
appointment of others who they might suppose peculiarly 
qualified for some position, it would result in the total dis- 
organization of the road, and the effort would soon be felt 
by the Stockholders in reduced profits, neglected machinery, 


and dilapidated road. Upon this point I can safely appeal 
to the experience and observation of every man, who has 
been connected with a successful and well managed rail 
road. If this be true of private companies, the difficulties 
will be greatly enhanced, when the same principle is applied 
to a public work, when superadded to other causes of trou- 
ble and embarrassment, there is thrown in, the political 
and party considerations which would inevitably be con- 
nected with such a system. The subordinate officers on a 
rail road, who feel that they owe their places to any other 
cause, than a faithful discharge of duty, would soon derange 
and ruin the best managed road in the country. Under the 
proposed system of a Board of Commissioners these diffi- 
culties could scarcely be avoided, and I therefore deem it 
unnecessary to enlarge upon this branch of the subject. Ac- 
cording to this plan there would also be wanting, that uni- 
formity in the management of the road, which is essential 
to its success. With the change of Commissioners, the sys- 
tem would be changed and all the consequences attendant 
upon such changes, would be constantly experienced. The 
present system is in my judgment decidedly preferable; one 
great object at last is affected, a responsible head is placed in 
charge of the road — to whom the country can look for its 
proper and faithful management. The Executive elected 
by the people is responsible to them. The Superintendent 
should be appointed by, and be responsible to the Executive, 
the subordinate officers should be appointed by, and respon- 
sible to the Superintendent, and thus the management of the 
road is placed upon a system of responsibility which ensures 
its successful operation. In the appointment of the Superin- 
tendent, the Executive feels the responsibility which rests 
upon him, and will exercise a sound judgment in the selec- 
tion. The Superintendent knowing that he is responsible 
for the good conduct of his subordinates, will exercise like 
prudence and discretion, in their selection and the subordi- 
nates feeling their dependence upon, and responsibility to 
the Superintendent, will realize the fact, that the tenure 
by which they hold their offices, is the faithful and efficient 


discharge of duty. In this view of the subject, you will 
perceive that there must be a cordial and mutual confidence 
between the Executive and the Superintendent, and for that 
reason the Superintendent should be appointed by the 
Executive. I therefore recommend that the act of the last 
Legislature taking the appointment of this officer from the 
Governor and giving it to the Legislature, be repealed, and 
that the appointment be again placed at the disposal of the 
Executive. If the road is to be continued under State man- 
agement, this in my opinion is the most practicable system 
that can be adopted. 

Two leading objections are urged against this plan. The 
first is founded upon the fear that the subordinate posts 
on the road will be regarded and filled as political offices. 
Under my administration "this practice has ceased to exist." 
Whatever may be thought or said about making governmen- 
tal offices, political positions, in other departments, it is a 
well settled fact that it will not answer in the management 
of rail roads, or similar State enterprizes. Such a policy is 
condemned both by reason and experience, and can never 
be resorted to without endangering the public interest. This 
truth is so clearly illustrated in the history of every State 
work, where the policy has been adopted, that I do not be- 
lieve the experiment will again be made in our own State. 
The other objection is of a more serious character. It grows 
out of the changes in the management of the road, incident 
to the frequent change in the Executive office. I admit the 
force of his objection, and the only reply that can be offered, 
is founded on the fact, that the objection is applicable to 
every plan which has been or can be suggested for the gov- 
ernment of the road under state management. 

In view of these difficulties, I submit to your considera- 
tion, another plan, for the disposal of the road, one, which 
will secure the three great objects to be attained ; first, the 
retention of the State's interest in the road; second, a uni- 
form and permanent system for its management ; and third, 
a certain and reliable revenue from it. It is to lease the 
road under an act of incorporation. Let a charter be granted 


with a capital of five hundred thousand dollars in shares of 
a hundred dollars each. The charter should provide that 
the company, should make semi-annual payments to the 
State, and that the first failure should ipso facto work its 
forfeiture. The amount required to be paid by the com- 
pany for its lease, should be at least five per cent on the 
capital invested by the State, which might be estimated at 
five millions of dollars. The charter should be for a limited 
time, and perhaps twenty five years would be sufficiently 
long. The company should be required to return the Road 
at the expiration of their lease in as good condition, and as 
well equipped as when they received it. The improvements 
which the increased business of the Road will require them 
make, would afford a reliable guaranty upon this point. On 
the other hand the State should agree to pay the company 
for any increased value given to the road by the improve- 
ments made by them. Provision should also be made in the 
charter, to protect connecting roads from a partial, and un- 
just administration of its affairs, under such penalties as 
would ensure perfect impartiality. I have fixed the capital 
of the company at a half million, supposing that to be suffi- 
cient for the ordinary improvements, which are still re- 
quired to put the road in complete order. The Legislature 
could hereafter increase it, if the business of the road should 
require the laying of a double track. 

In submitting this suggestion to your consideration, I 
have merely laid down the outline of a plan which might be 
perfected, if the policy recommended meets with your ap- 
proval. If adopted care should be exercised in guarding the 
interests of the State in any charter which may be granted, 
and that is submitted with great confidence to your wisdom 
and discretion. I beg leave to repeat, that the adoption of 
this policy will ensure a uniform, and permanent system in 
the conduct, and management of this great work. It will 
be brought under the operation of private enterprize and 
individual interest without sacrificing the investment of the 
State. It will be relieved from the difficulties which I have 
shown must always more or less attend its management 


under State control, and finally ensure the regular receipt 
into the treasury of at least two hundred and fifty housand 
dollars per annum. 


I transmit herewith the reports of the Principal Keeper 
and Book Keeper of the Penitentiary, which will exhibit to 
you its operations during the past two years. The officers 
of that Institution during that time have been faithful, and 
energetic in the discharge of their duties, and I believe that 
its business under their charge, will compare favorably with 
the business of preceding years. Its assets at the end of 
the year will in all probability discharge its liabilities, and 
leave it free from debt. The business of the Penitentiary 
is not, and in my judgment never will be a source of revenue 
to the State. The appropriations, which have from time to 
time been made to meet its liabilities, show this fact. The 
gross amount of them is set forth in the Keeper's report. 
It now requires large appropriations to make the necessary 
improvements, and to furnish materials for its successful 
management. It is a subject which should secure more of 
the personal attention of your members, than has hereto- 
fore been the case. An inspection of its condition will give 
you more satisfactory information of its true wants than 
any representation that I can made, and I would urge the 
propriety of your doing so, as it can be done with very little 
trouble to yourselves, and much benefit to the State. As 
you will perceive from the Keeper's report the business of 
building rail road cars has been commenced upon a pretty 
extensive scale. The experiment so far has proven emi- 
nently successful, indeed it has been the principal source 
of revenue since its commencement. For the want of the 
necessary means, an arrangement had to be made with the 
State road to furnish the materials for building cars, and 
as long as that road requires all the cars that can be built 
at the Penitentiary, this arrangement could be continued. If 
the business, however, should be extended as recommended 
in the Keeper's report it will be necessary for you to supply 


the necessary means for the purchase in advance of ma- 
terials, as the object should then be, to manufacture cars 
for all roads that may desire to purchase. It would also be 
necessary to authorize the employment of a Superintendent 
of this branch of the work, at a better salary than is now 
allowed to the subordinate officers. If a ready sale be found 
for the cars, I have no hesitation in saying, that it is the 
most profitable business than can be carried on in the Peni- 

The importance of classifying the prisoners in the Peni- 
tentiary, has been so repeatedly and forcibly presented to 
the Legislature by my predecessors, that I deem it unneces- 
sary to enlarge upon the subject. It is again brought to your 
attention by the Principal Keeper's Report, and I would im- 
press upon your minds the propriety of giving it your early 
attention. When this recommendation is based upon the 
concurrent opinion of every one who has been thrown into 
official communication with the Penitentiary, it should at 
least receive more consideration than has heretofore been 
given to it. 


The bi-ennial Report of the Trustees, Superintendent and 
Resident Physician of the Lunatic Asylum is herewith sub- 
mitted. This Institution has been conducted during the 
past two years with the characteristic energy and ability of 
its officers. I commend to your attention the suggestions 
and recommendations contained in these reports. Founded 
as they are upon the experience and observation of those 
who have shown themselves so worthy of the confidence re- 
posed in them by the State, they should command your most 
favorable consideration. This Institution was established 
by the State under the conviction that it was our duty to 
provide for the safety and comfprt of that unfortunate class 
of our fellow beings, who had been deprived of their reason, 
and thereby rendered incapable of providing for themselves. 
This humane object will not have been accomplished, so 
long as there remains in the borders of our State one unfor- 


tunate lunatic unprovided for. It is a melancholy and hu- 
miliating reflection, that applicants for admission are daily 
rejected for the want of the necessary means to provide 
for their accommodation. This ought not to be so. I hold 
it to be the solemn duty of those who have been spared from 
this awful calamity to furnish from their treasure whatever 
may be required for the support and comfort of their less 
fortunate fellow beings. I cannot believe that there lives in 
our State a single citizen, who would not give a cordial 
response to this sentiment. The necessities of this Institu- 
tion, is therefore the only just limit to your appropriations. 
When you ascertain it^ wants, let them be supplied, your 
hearts will approve the act, and your constituents will sanc- 
tion the vote. 

There is one class of lunatics for whom no provision is 
made in the organization of this institution. I allude to our 
slave population. This omission, I have no doubt, is attribu- 
table to the fact, that the number is so limited that it has 
not attracted public attention. There are, however, a few ; 
and suitable provision should be made for them. The first 
suggestion would be to leave this matter in the hands of 
the owners, after providing a place at the Asylum for their 
reception. This will not do, however, as it sometimes hap- 
pens that the unfortunate lunatic is the only property of 
the owner ; and he is therefore unable to support him at the 
Asylum. It would perhaps be wrong to tax those who have 
no interest in slaves, to raise money for this purpose. The 
amount which should be raised for this object, would be 
small, and if levied upon the taxable slave property, would 
not be felt by the owner. Looking to the number of luna- 
tic negroes, it would require only a nominal tax upon this 
kind of property to raise the necessary means. I can see 
no good reason why every slave owner should not cheerfully 
submit to this tax, to carry out so desirable and praisewor- 
thy an object. I therefore recommend that proper steps be 
taken at your present session to carry out these views in 
the manner suggested. 



The report of the Commissioners for the Deaf and Dumb 
Asylum for the years 1852 and 1853 is herewith transmit- 
ted. The success of this institution is a gratifying result, 
and should secure for it the continued patronage of the 
State. Your predecessors have by their liberal endowments 
recognized the duty of the State to provide for the education 
of the unfortunate mute, and it would be difficult for the 
Legislature to appropriate the money of the people to an ob- 
ject that would receive a more unqualified approval from the 
popular mind. I also transmit the report of a committee 
appointed by myself to attend the annual examination of 
1852. It bears testimony to the faithful and efficient dis- 
charge of duty by the officers of the institution. Its recom- 
mendations are commended to your consideration, as worthy 
of attention in your legislation on this subject. 


I transmit to you the first annual report of the Trustees 
for the "Georgia Academy for the Blind." This institution 
was organized under an act of the last Legislature, and is 
now struggling through infantile existence. It has encoun- 
tered the difficulties which have attended all similar institu- 
tions, and in view of these difficulties, its efforts have been 
attended with as much success as could have reasonably 
been anticipated. It has shown itself worthy of the foster- 
ing care extended to it by your predecessors, and should 
continue to receive your patronage and encouragement. The 
appeal in behalf of the blind — like that made for the deaf 
and dumb — addresses itself to our better feelings. The heart 
would be callous and hardened that could treat that appeal 
with indifference. Those of us who have been endowed by a 
kind Providence with all the attributes of manhood, unim- 
paired by disease or misfortune, have resting upon us an 
obligation in reference to our less favored brethren, which 
we cannot disregard. In establishing and maintaining 
these different institutions the people of Georgia have ex- 


hibited their appreciation of this high duty. The success 
which has attended these efforts, should only stimulate us 
to renewed exertions and more liberal contributions. 


At the last session of the General Assembly provision was 
made by law for the education of a certain number of ca- 
dets in the Military Institute, located at Marietta. A report 
is herewith transmitted from the Board of Visitors of that 
institution, wEich will present to the Legislature all the in- 
formation on that subject in my possession. The system 
of military education is growing in popular favor throughout 
the country. In other States of the Union these Academies 
receive liberal endowments from the Government, and are 
becoming more and more the favorites of the people. So 
far as I am enabled to judge, the Marietta Institute has been 
as eminently successful as any of its sister institutions, and 
as deserving of State patronage. 


The cause of Education numbers among its friends, no 
supporters, more zealous, or liberal, than the people of Geor- 
gia. It is with sincere pleasure and honest pride that we 
can point to the progress of education of the State. Our 
University was never in a more flourishing condition, and 
never more deserving of the confidence and patronage of the 
State. Other colleges have sprung up in generous rivalry 
with this institution under the patronage of private enter- 
prize, affording the most extensive facilities for a liberal 
education to all who may be possessed of the necessary 
means. Colleges and Seminaries for the education of our 
daughters are to be found in almost every neighborhood, 
founded upon private munificence, and conducted with 
marked energy and ability. I would not unnecessarily mar 
this picture so grateful to our feelings and so gratifying to 
our State pride; but a sense of duty demands that our at- 
tention should be turned to another branch of the subject, 


which presents for our consideration far different results. 
Whilst the minds of those, who have been blessed with the 
necessary means — are being stored with all the righ treas- 
ures of knowledge, placed in their reach by these flourishing 
institutions — there is to be found another class, less favored 
of Heaven, who are growing up in utter ignorance. The 
propriety of providing for the education of the poor is recog- 
nized by every one; but I am not sure that its importance 
is fully appreciated. I do not speak of the complete and 
finished education which can be acquired only in our higher 
Seminaries and Colleges, but I refer to it in its more limited 
sense. The man who can read and write is a well educated 
man, in comparison with one, to whom the Alphabet is an 
unmeaning mystery ; and the gulf that separates these two 
classes is far wider and deeper than the one which lies be- 
tween the humblest scholar and the most learned Professor. 
Give to every son and daughter of the State an opportunity 
of learning to read and write, and we become that day an 
educated people for all the practical purposes of Govern- 
ment. The honesty, purity, and intelligence of the people 
constitute the firm foundations of a republican Government. 
To the extent of our ability it is our duty to foster and nur- 
ture these elements of security and strength. Georgia has 
in some degree realized this truth and exhibited a disposi- 
tion to act upon it. Her able sons have been summoned to 
the task of devising systems for the education of the poor ; 
and our legislative tables groan under the accumulated 
reports of committees appointed to investigate and report 
upon the subject. All that could be done in this way has 
been done, and yet the sons and daughters of poverty are 
unprovided with the opportunity of learning to read and 
write. Can nothing more be effected ? Is this field of labor, 
so inviting to the patriot and philanthropist, to be aban- 
doned and forsaken? To answer these inquiries, we must 
ascertain, first, what has occasioned the failure heretofore? 
and secondly, are we able and willing to overcome the dif- 
ficulty in the future? The first point is very clearly pre- 
sented in the statement of this simple fact — the number of 


children returned under our poor school law, is (38,000) 
thirty-eight thousand, and the money appropriated for their 
education is ($23,000), twenty-three thousand dollars. In 
other words, for the education of each child, the Legislature 
appropriates the sum of sixty cents. I can use no argument 
or language that will present in more forcible terms the 
main defect in our past system, than is to be found in this 
statement. We have failed to educate the destitute children 
of the State, because we have failed to appropriate a suffi- 
cient sum of money to effect the object. It is more than 
useless to discuss plans and systems until the necessary 
means are furnished to make any plan successful. This 
view of the subject brings me to the second inquiry. Can 
this difficulty be met and overcome? In other words, will 
the Legislature appropriate the necessary amount of money. 
At present I am not prepared to recommend any large in- 
crease of the appropriation. My object is more particularly 
to call your attention to a period in the future, when the 
required sum can be devoted to this object without the impo- 
sition of any additional tax upon the people. If I am right 
in the views which I have already presented of the financial 
condition of the State, present and prospective, in the course 
of a few years the public debt will be paid off, and there 
will be no necessity for incurring another. When that time 
shall have arrived, our present tax law may be reduced one 
half, and still furnish ample means for an economical ad- 
ministration of the Government — giving no just cause of 
complaint on the ground of taxation. The State rail road 
under the system I have recommended will bring into the 
Treasury a certain and regular revenue of two hundred and 
fifty thousand dollars. To that sum I look to supply the 
present defect in our educational system for the poor. To 
that patriotic object, as well as to the necessities of the in- 
stitutions established by the State for the Deaf and Dumb, 
the Blind, and the unfortunate Lunatic, it should be 
sacredly devoted ; and until the wants of each and all should 
have been fully supplied, not one dollar should be withdrawn 
for any other purpose. I have invited your attention to the 


subject at this time that the public mind may be directed to 
its consideration in advance of the period when the policy 
may with propriety be adopted. 


I call your attention to the law on the subject of the pub- 
lic printing. It is defective in many respects, and requires 
Legislative action. The great delay that occurred in the 
printing of the Laws and Journals of the last General 
Assembly, should not be permitted to occur again. Under 
the law as it now stands there will always be more or less 
danger of its recurring. In the estimation of many persons 
the Executive is held partly responsible for such delay, and 
yet he is powerless to prevent it. Provision should be made 
by law that the public printing should be done at the seat of 
Government — under the eye and supervision of the Execu- 
tive, and he should be clothed with power to transfer it 
from the hands of the public printer whenever he fails to 
complete it in a given period to be fixed by law. Whenever 
there is unnecessary delay, the Executive should be author- 
ized and required to make such deductions as the exigency 
in his judgment justifies; and similar power should be 
lodged with him in case the printing is not executed in 
manner and style required by law. It should be made the; 
duty of the Secretary of State, to compare the printed laws 
before their final publication, with the enrolled acts in his 
office, and proper compensation should be allowed him for 
the discharge of this duty. The style and execution of the 
printed acts should be improved. The act of 1834 required 
them to conform to the laws of the United States, as at that 
time published. Since then great improvement has been 
made in the printing of the laws of the United States, and 
we should in this respect keep up with the progress of 
the age. 


The experiment of bi-ennial sessions of the General As- 
sembly, has been sufficiently tested by experience, and I 


believe that the public judgment of the State is prepared 
to pronounce against it. I was among the number of its 
advocates, and so voted when the question was submitted to 
the people for their decision. I am now satisfied, that in 
common with a large majority of my fellow citizens, I was 
wrong, and am prepared to recommend a return to annual 
sessions. Even if the policy of bi-ennial sessions was right 
at the time of its adoption, the increased interest and im- 
portant public works of the State have wrought such a 
change in our affairs that a different system is now required 
for our progressed and progressing condition. A single 
consideration should satisfy every man of the propriety of 
annual sessions. At present, all power is placed in the hands 
of the Executive for two years, and his term expires and the 
people are called upon to pass judgment upon his official 
career before his actings and doings can be submitted to 
the test of Legislative investigation. He cannot be called 
upon for exposition of his official doings until the General 
Assembly meets, and that does not take place until his term 
of office has expired, and he has either been re-elected or 
defeated, or has voluntarily withdrawn from the public 
service. This is wrong in theory, and might work much 
injury in practice. It was an economical view of the subject 
which induced the people to resort to bi-ennial sessions, but 
it may well be questioned whether the result has justified 
this expectation. The fact that the General Assembly meets 
only once in two years, renders it necessary to extend the 
length of the session. The accumulated business of the two 
years must be disposed of, and additional time is required 
to do it. In order that the people may have an opportunity 
of passing their judgment upon this subject, I recommend 
that an act altering the constitution be passed by the Gen- 
eral Assembly at its present session, and the question sub- 
mitted to the people at the next general election. If ap- 
proved by them, your successors can perfect the alteration, 
and if condemned, the act can then be rejected. An oppor- 
tunity will thus be offered of having the question decided 
by the direct action of those most deeply interested in the 



My experience in office has brought vividly before me the 
fact that innumerable occasions occur, where the Executive, 
on account of the varied and increasing interests of the 
State, requires the mature and deliberate counsel of persons 
skilled in the law. The hurried and off-hand opinions of the 
best lawyers, are worth but little under such circumstances, 
and the separate solemn advice of feed counsel on every 
such question, would be a heavy draw upon the contingent 
fund. My own conviction is, that an officer known as the 
Attorney General of the State of Georgia, with such a salary 
as would command the best counsel in the State, would 
meet the necessity of the case. To the general duty of ad- 
vising the several Executive Departments of the Govern- 
ment, might be added with propriety, the representing and 
advocating the interest of the State in all questions arising 
before our Supreme Court. The duties of such an officer, it 
is unnecessary for me to specify. The necessity and pro- 
priety of such an office will be felt by every one occupying 
the Executive chair. 


At the time the Supreme Court was established the idea 
prevailed that the convenience of parties litigant required 
that the court should hold its sessions at points accessible 
to them. For that purpose it was provided in the law organ- 
izing the court that it should sit at nine different places. 
Experience has shown that this was a mistaken view of the 
subject, as the parties seldom if ever attend court. Their 
attendance is not necessary, and they therefore stay away. 
No one will question the fact, that this migratory feature 
is attended with great inconvenience to the members of the 
court. If this was the only objection to it, it might be borne 
with, but it deprives the court of the advantages of con- 
sulting good libraries, which are not to be found at many 
of the points, where it is now held. Without attempting to 
present the many reasons which might be urged in favor of 


the change, as they will readily suggest themselves to your 
minds, I recommend that the places for holding the court 
be reduced to the number required by the Constitution. 
Looking to the future permanence and usefulness of this 
court, I think it advisable that the Constitution be so 
amended as to authorize its entire sittings at the seat of 
government. I can see no good reason why it should be 
otherwise. The docket of the court could be so arranged 
for each of the Judicial Districts as to enable counsel to 
attend to their cases with as much convenience at Milledge- 
ville as at any other point. 

In this connection I call your attention to the condition 
of our State library. For many years the library has been 
totally neglected and almost lost sight of by the Legislature. 
The last General Assembly made an annual appropriation 
of a thousand dollars for it. This amount regularly con- 
tinued with the system of exchanges with the other States, 
would in the course of a few years furnish a State library, 
of which we might not be ashamed. The small salary given 
to the librarian will not secure the services of a competent 
officer, unless the appointment is connected with some other 
office, as has been done during the last two years. The 
librarian's report is herewith communicated. It will show 
the condition of the library, its increase since I came into 
office, and also the regulations I have adopted to preserve 
it from its former fate. It cannot be necessary for me to 
submit an argument to the Legislature in favor of obtain- 
ing and keeping a good State library. State pride, if there 
was no other consideration, would make an appeal in its 
favor, that ought not to be disregarded. Its prbpriety and 
usefulness, however, are too apparent to require further 
comment. I confidently commend to your favorable consider- 
ation the policy adopted by your immediate predecessors 
on this subject. 


A vacancy occurred on the Supreme Court bench during 
the present year, by the resignation of the Hon. Hiram 


Warner, which I filled by the appointment of the Hon. 
Ebenezer Starnes. There have been several vacancies oc- 
casioned by death and resignation, on the Circuit Court 
bench, but as they are no longer filled by the Legislature, 
it is unnecessary to specify them. 

The creditors of the Bank of Darien have been for years 
applying to the State for the liquidation of their claims, 
holding as they do, that the State is liable for them. It is 
time this matter should be disposed of, and I recommend 
that some provision be made by the present General Assem- 
bly for the final settlement of these claims, either by sub- 
mitting the questions involved to the decision of the courts, 
or some other tribunal to be selected by the Legislature, 
and agreed to by the parties in interest. 

I was directed by a resolution of the last General Assem- 
bly, to withdraw the block of marble, which had been fur- 
nished for the Washington Monument from this State, on 
account of the objectionable inscription upon it, and to pro- 
vide another in its stead, with the simple inscription of the 
Arms of the State. Finding that the object of the Legisla- 
ture could be carried out by an alteration of the inscription 
on the block already furnished, I adopted that course, as the 
most economical and appropriate under the circumstances. 

By joint resolution of the last General Assembly, I was 
required to appoint a commission to examine and report to 
the present Legislature, on the claims of Wm. Q. Anderson, 
Thos. Anderson, and Richard J. Willis, securities of John R. 
Anderson, on his bonds, as Cashier and agent of the Darien 
B^nk. I appointed Charles Dougherty and Wm. Hope Hull, 
Esqs., and herewith transmit to you their report upon the 

My predecessor informed the last General Assembly that 
the question of the boundary between Florida and our own 
State had been submitted to the Supreme Court of the 
United States, and that he had engaged the services of the 
Hon. J. M. Berrien, as the Attorney of the State. At the 
instance of Judge Berrien, I associated with him the Hon. 
George E. Badger having been authorized by resolution of 


the last Legislature, to employ additional counsel in the case. 
The case is still pending, and will probably be decided at the 
approaching term of that court. 

A question of boundary hetween South Carolina and 
Georgia has arisen since the adjournment of the last Gen- 
eral Assembly. The correspondence between the Governor 
and the Attorney General of South Carolina and myself on 
that subject is herewith transmitted. My views are so fully 
presented in that correspondence, that I deem it unnecessary 
to add anything in reference to it. I recommend that the 
suggestion contained in the last letter of the Attorney Gen- 
eral of South Carolina be acceded to, and that provision be 
made for submitting the question of boundary to the decis- 
ion of the Supreme Court of the United States. It presents 
the most satisfactory mode of settling a dispute, which if 
left unadjusted, might at some future day lead to unpleasant 

By a joint resolution of the last General Assembly, I was 
directed to appoint "two suitable persons as delegates from 
this State to attend a convention of delegates from the 
Thirteen Original States," which was held in Philadelphia, 
on the 5th of July 1852. I appointed the Hon. Marshall J. 
Welborn of Columbus, and the Hon. Asbury Hull of Athens, 
who accepted the appointment, and their report of the action 
of the convention is herewith transmitted. The object for 
which this convention assembled, and the mode by which 
the object is to be consummated, are so fully and satisfac- 
torily presented in the accompanying report, that I do not 
feel called upon to do more than ask for it your careful 
consideration. It is no local or sectional movement, in which 
the people of Philadelphia and Pennsylvania alone are in- 
terested. It was prompted by a national sentiment as broad 
as the Union — and a spirit of gratitude and veneration as 
deeply implanted in the hearts of the American people, as 
are the memories of our revolutionary struggles. Georgia 
has participated so far with commendable zeal, and patriotic 
ardor in this noble enterprise — and I doubt not, that every 


step of its future progress will be marked with the evidences 
of her liberality. 

The last General Assembly passed a joint resolution au- 
thorizing me "to erect, on the public grounds, near the State 
House, a suitable monument to the memory of our late dis- 
tinguished fellow-citizen, Hon. John Forsyth, and pay for 
the same out of the money appropriated for that purpose by 
the act of the Legislature, approved February 23, 1850." 
The proposition contained in this resolution, meets my cor- 
dial approval. No one entertains a higher appreciation of 
the services and brilliant career of Mr. Forsyth, than myself, 
and it would have given me sincere pleasure to have carried 
out the intention of the Legislature, if it could have been 
done. The amount of the appropriation is wholly inade- 
quate for the contemplated object. A monument erected on 
the State House square, to the memory of Mr. Forsyth, 
should not only be creditable to the State, but worthy of 
the distinguished dead; such a monument cannot be ob- 
tained for one thousand dollars. For this reason and for 
this reason alone, I have taken no steps to carry out this 
resolution, and I now recommend that the appropriation be 
increased to a sum that will secure such a monument as the 
occasion calls for ; a monument worthy of the State of Geor- 
gia, and worthy of the distinguished defender of the Consti- 
tution and Union of our fathers. 

We have just had our first judicial elections under the law 
giving those elections to the people. The policy of the law 
has been vindicated, and it presents an appropriate occasion 
for recommending an extension of its provisions to the re- 
maining cases of State officers elected by the Legislature. 

Our election laws need amendment. The duty of decid- 
ing upon the returns of many elections, is by implication 
devolved upon the Executive. No rules however are pre- 
scribed for his government. This should be remedied by 
the passage of an act, plainly defining his duty, power, and 
mode of procedure. 

The great number of laws which have been passed on the 
subject of the lands belonging to the State has involved that 


subject in great difficulty. Many of these laws were of a 
mere local character, but their application being general in 
the terms of the statute, has produced a contrariety of pro- 
visions difficult to reconcile. The whole subject needs 
thorough and radical legislation, and I trust it will receive 
your consideration during the present session. For the dis- 
position of the remaining ungranted lands of every descrip- 
tion, that have been regularly surveyed, I would recommend 
that the policy of the act of 1843 be adopted. Experience 
has proven it to be, by far the most economical and satisfac- 
tory mode of disposing of the public lands. 

The slow but steady development of the mineral resources 
of our State, should bring to your attention the importance 
of providing for a thorough geological survey of the State* 
Other departments of interest would be greatly benefitted 
by it — and I recommend that ample provision be made for 
that purpose. 

I was requested by resolution of the Senate of the last 
Legislature to make the alterations and arrangements in the 
Senate Chamber rendered necessary by the increased num- 
ber of that body. It has been attended to — and a portion of 
the expense paid out of the contingent fund. No special 
appropriation was made to carry out this resolution, and it 
now becomes necessary for you to make an early appropri- 
ation to pay the balance due to Mr. Lord, the contractor. 
As he was among the unfortunate number who suffered 
severely from the late fire in this city, I would urge upon 
you the justice of providing for the immediate settlement of 
his account. 

Your attention has doubtless been arrested by the de- 
structive character of the fire to which I have just alluded. 
The individual sufferers make no appeal to you for relief, 
but it is in your power to render essential aid, not only to 
them but to the whole community, by decisive action upon 
the subject of a removal of the seat of government. The 
constant agitation of that question has pai?alyzed the ener- 
gies of the people of Milledgeville and crushed their spirit 
of enterprise. The future prosperity of their city is in- 


volved in it, and so long as it remains an open and unsettled 
point, the effect will be felt and seen in the downward ten- 
dency of every interest connected with the prosperity of 
the city. Ample time has been allowed for ascertaining the 
popular will on the subject and legislative expression should 
now be given to the judgment of the pepole. It is due not 
only to this community, but also to the future comfort of 
those, who may be officially called to spend a portion of their 
time at the Capitol. Such arrangements as are necessary to 
make Milledgeville a pleasant residence for the members of 
the General Assembly, and others called here by public 
business, can never be made until it is known that the seat of 
Government will not be removed. Whatever, therefore, may 
be the public will on this subject, let it be made known in 
such authoritative form, as will relieve all doubt and anxiety 
in reference to it. 


I herewith transmit a communication from the State De- 
partment of the Federal Government, accompanied with a 
copy of a "Consular Convention between the United States 
of America and His Majesty the Emperor of the French." 
Your attention is called to the provisions of the seventh 
article of the convention. 

I herewith transmit the resolutions of various state Leg- 
islatures, which have been forwarded to me. 

Since the last session of the General Assembly, an occur- 
rence has transpired in which Georgia, though not directly 
a party, is in my judgment deeply interested, and to which 
I deem it my duty to call your attention. A citizen of Vir- 
ginia on his way to Texas with slaves is by force of circum- 
stances, compelled to take a temporary transit through the 
city of New York. Upon Habeas Corpus before Judge 
Payne of that State — the negroes were declared free, and 
the citizen deprived of his property. Though indemnified 
fully, I believe by voluntary subscription, yet the principle 
involved in the decision is one of vast importance and of 
startling tendency, in which the interest of Mr. Lemmons 


becomes insignificant, and the interest of every slave hold- 
ing State paramount and equal. Virginia and Texas have 
no deeper interest than Georgia and Alabama. It is under- 
stood that an appeal has been taken from the decision, to 
the appellate court of New York, and it is probable that the 
final adjudication of the question involved will be made by 
the Supreme Court of the United States. The deliberate 
determination of any question by that tribunal, commands 
and should receive the respect of the country, and consti- 
tutes a precedent controlling subsequent cases. The prin- 
ciples involved in the decision of Judge Payne will be better 
considered in a court room than in a document like the 
present. It is not my purpose therefore to submit an argu- 
ment on the correctness of that decision. If such is the law, 
it is the first time that it has been solemnly, thus pronounced 
in a case made before any tribunal within my knowledge. 
If it be true that the citizens of the slave holding States, 
who by force of circumstances or for convenience seek a 
passage through the territory of a non-slave holding State, 
with their slaves — are thereby deprived of their property 
in them, and the slaves ipso facto become emancipated, it is 
time that we know the law as it is. No Court in America 
has ever announced this to be law. It would be exceedingly 
strange if it should be. By the comity of Nations, the per- 
sonal status of every man is determined by the law of his 
domicil, and whether he be bond or free, capable or incapable 
there, he remains so every where until a new domicil is ac- 
quired. This is but the courtesy of nation to nation, 
founded, not upon the statute, but is absolutely necessary 
for the peace and harmony of States, and for the enforce- 
ment of private justice. A denial of this comity is unheard 
of among civilized nations, and if deliberately and wantonly 
persisted in, would be just cause of war. Can it be possible 
that the courtesy yielded by independent nations to each 
other, can be rightfully denied by one of these states to 
the other? Is the bond of Union an authority or reason for a 
course of conduct so unjustifiable without that bond? Did 
the framers of the Constitution so wise and so provident 


as to all other possible causes of disturbance between the 
States, permit so pregnant a source of discord, to pass un- 
heeded and unprovided for? In yielding our right to make 
treaties, and to declare war, have we left ourselves remedy- 
less in cases of palpable violation of the law and comity of 
nations? The adjudication of these questions by the tri- 
bunal organized under the constitution, cannot be reviewed 
with indifference by us. Every slave-holding State should 
be heard before that tribunal. I therefore recommend, that 
in the event, of the Lemmon's case being carried before the 
Supreme Court, the Executive be authorized to employ able 
counsel, in behalf of the State of Georgia, to be heard before 
that court, upon these questions. 

The general condition of our Federal Relations presents 
a flattering prospect. Since the happy termination of those 
angry sectional strifes, which for a time threatened our 
peace and quiet, the country has returned to a state of calm 
repose, and all the indications of the present, point to a 
happy, peaceful and prosperous future. 




John Archibald Campbell, Associate Justice of the United 
States Supreme Court, 1853-1861, By Henry G. Conner, 
LL.D., Judge of the United States Court for the Eastern 
District of North Carolina. (Boston and New York : Hough- 
ton Mifflin Company, 1920. Pp. viii, 310). 

This volume in protraying the life of John Archibald 
Campbell thereby gives a valuable insight into much of the 
nation's history, legal and political, for the subject was a 
prominent figure in the country's affairs for almost half a 
century. A native of Georgia, and a graduate of the State 
University, he early began the practice of law and soon 
thereafter entered into politics in Alabama. In 1853 he was 
appointed to the United States Supreme Court, where he 
remained until the outbreak of the Civil War convinced him 
that he could be of no further use in that body. He was 
the intermediary between the Southern Commissioners and 
Secretary Seward, concerning the relief of Fort Sumter ; and 
later when it became evident 'that the South could not win 
the war, he stood out again as a strong force for peace and 
an understanding between the sections. In fulfilling this 
role he was present at the Hampton Roads Conference, and 
after the fall of Richmond he had conversations with Lin- 
coln concerning the means of procedure in reconstructing 
the South. Although a believer in the right of secession, 
he had argued that the causes were not sufficient in 1860 
and 1861 — that the election of Lincoln was not sufficient 
provocation to break up the Union. After being imprisoned 
in Fort Pulaski for a few months, at the end of the war, he 
went to New Orleans where he entered into the practice 
of law. He died in Baltimore in 1889. 

While this volume is concerned much with legal matters, 
such as court decisions and arguments of counsel, it has a 
far wider interest than merely to the legal profession ; and 


although sixty-two court decisions are discussed or men- 
tioned, it carries forward with few jars the interest on 
broad principles. Judge Campbell participated in some of 
the most important decisions of the times — especially those 
relajting to slavery are of note, such as the Dred Scott case, 
the Wisconsin Supreme Court nullification procedure, and 
Kentucky vs. Denison. In the Circuit Courts of the South- 
ern Circuit, over which he presided, he had occasion to deal 
with the filibustering expeditions, involving neutrality laws, 
and slave trade cases. 

Judge CampbelFs hostility to monopolies, and his state 
right sentiments are brought out in numerous cases, which 
he argued or decided. His opposition to the extension of 
the Federal Courts' maritime jurisdiction was actuated by 
this latter feeling. However, in the Slaughter-House case, 
which he argued in 1872 before the United States Supreme 
Court, he did not let his state rights sentiments (undoubted- 
ly greatly modified by the war), prevent him from taking 
the side against Louisiana, aided as he was by the feeling 
against monopolies, municipal or otherwise. 

This volume gives interesting information on the South's 
Commissioners to Washington, quoting Campbell's Facts of 
History on the negotiations. It also lets Campbell speak for 
himself through his memoranda, on his conversations with 
Lincoln at the end of the war ; but it fails to quote his mem- 
oirs on the Hampton Roads Conference. 

In the preparation of the book, many of Campbell's letters 
and papers were used with also much secondary material, to 
which, however, the footnotes inadequately refer, and for 
which no bibliography is attached. There are some slips in 
quotations and a few typographical errors (e. g., p. 171). 
There is an index. On the whole this is a valuable work 
well done. E. M. C. 

Negro Folk Rhymes, Wise and Otherwise, with a Study, 
By Thomas W. Talley (New York : The Macmillan Company. 
1922. Pp. xii, 347. $2.25.) 

This collection of Negro folk rhymes not only expresses 


the record of a singing, dancing people in the lighter vein 
of song and story, but it also has a historical interest in its 
portrayal of the life of the Negro in slavery and in freedom. 
Although some of the rhymes are of African origin, and 
others are of a light and trivial nature ; still, many of them 
express the fundamental feelings and deep longings of the 
race. Much of the life history of the Negroes, their reaction 
on their economic and political surroundings, stands out in 
many of these rhymes. Most of them are of ante-bellum 
origin, and therefore often touch their conditions as slaves ;; 
but some arose during the Civil War, and others came still 
later to record the Negroe's development into a laborer on 
"public works." 

Various features of the life of the slave are portrayed. In 
"Ration Day" the good things he got to eat from his master 
are mentioned. According to the first stanza: 

"Dat ration day come once a week, 
Ole Mosser's rich as Gundy ; 
But he gives us 'lasses all de week, 
An' buttermilk fer Sunday." 

The slave's reward for being good while the master was 
away is expressed in the rhyme, "Going to be Good Slaves." 
The threat held over slaves to "sell them South", if they be- 
came unruly produced this rhyme : 

" 'Way down yon'er in 'Possum Trot, 
(In ole Miss'sip' whar de sun shines hot) 
Dere hain't no chickens an' de Niggers eats c'on; 
You hain't never see'd de lak since youse been bo'n. 
You'd better min' Mosser an' keep a stiff lip, 
So's you won't git sol' down to ole Miss'sip'." 

The promise often made by slave owners to liberate their 
slaves seems not to have been carried out in all cases as 
these stanzas from "Promise of Freedom" indicate: 

"Ole Mosser lakwise promise me, 
W'en he died, he'd set me free. 


But ole Mosser go an' make his Will 
Fer to leave me a-plowing ol Beck still. 

"Yes, my ole Mosser promise me ; 
But *his papers' didn' leave me free. 
A dose of pisen helped 'im along. 
May de Devil preach his funer'l song." 

The slave slipping away for a visit "widout pass an' 
warnin' " as well as his escape into freedom are recorded in 
the ante-bellum rhymes, "Off from Richmond", "Song to 
the Runaway Slave", and "Four Runaway Negroes — 
Whence they Came." The Negro philosophy on the subject 
of freedom stands out in "Jack and Dinah Want Freedom." 
Here "Ole Aunt Dinah" would like to be free 

"But, you know. Aunt Dinah's gittin' sorter ole ; 
An* she's feared to go to Canada, caze it's so col'." 

Then, there was "Uncle Jack" 

" . .. he want to git free. 
He find de way Norf by de moss on de tree. 
He cross dat river a-floatin' in a tub. 
Dem PatteroUers give 'im a mighty close rub." 


"Dar is ole Uncle Billy, he's a mighty good Nigger. 
He tote all de news to Mosser a little bigger. 
When you tell Uncle Billy, you wants free fer a f ac' ; 
De nex' day de hide drap off' n yo' back." 

Hunting the runaway found expression in "Run, Nigger! 

The Civil War came and some of the Negroes became sol- 
diers for "Ole Abe." as recorded in "Negro Soldier's Civil 
War Chant." The South was invaded and the plantations 
ransacked. A rhyme, "Page's Geese" told of "Ole Man 
Page's" rage when he should find that all of his geese had 
been been bought by "Yankee soldiers" for one cent apiece 
and the money sent home by the gander. "The Year of 


Jubilee" tells of the forcible freeing of slaves by the Union 
troops and the rought handling of the erstwhile master. 
The hard lot of the former master following the war elicited 
this rhyme from the freedman: 

"Missus an' Mosser a-walkin' de street, 
Deir ban's in dier pockets and nothin' to eat." 

The development of the Negro into a laborer on construc- 
tion works of various kinds stands out in the rhymes, "The 
Old Section Boss and John Henry." 

This volume has also a study of Negro folk rhymes and 
an index to the titles. The work of collecting these rhymes 
was long in process and well done. E. C. M. 



An extra number of the Mississippi Valley Historical 
Review, November, 1921, containing the proceedings of the 
thirteenth annual meeting of Mississippi Valley Historical 
Association, presents a number of important papers. Of 
special interest in Georgia is a paper an Elijah Clark's 
Foreign Intrigues and the "Trans-Oconee Republic," by E. 
Merton Coulter of the University of Georgia. Professor 
Coulter has made a careful study of two ventures of Elijah 
Clarke, who won fame and influence as a bold partisan leader 
in Georgia during the revolution. His intrigue with Genet 
against the Spanish in the Floridas links him with George 
Rogers Clark, Wilkinson, Burr and other Americans who 
have been tools of foreign powers. His Trans-Oconee set- 
tlement in defiance of the State of Georgia as well as the 
government of the United States forms an early chapter in 
the story of the interesting and often stormy relations of 
Georgia and the United States over the Indians within the 
State. The December number of the Review contains an 
article by Charles W. Ramsdell on the Control of Manufac- 
turing by the Confederate Government and one by James 
G. Randall on George Rogers Clark's Service of Supply. 

In the Maryland Historical Magazine of December, 1921, 
Bernard C. Steiner begins a life of James A. Pearce, United 
States Senator from Maryland for twenty years during the 
important period from 1843 to 1863. Edward S. Delaplane 
contributes the ninth installment of the life of Thomas 
Johnson, in which he describes the course of Maryland in 
regard to the Declaration of Independence in 1776. Some 
unpublished Provincial Records are printed and notes from 
the early Records of Maryland and material on the Calvert 


The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Janu- 
ary, 1922, publishes a paper by E. Alfred Jones, M.A., F. R. 
Hist. S., on the American Regiment in the Carthegena Ex- 
pedition. This expedition, in 1740, is of interest in Ameri- 
can history as the first occasion in which American troops 
were employed outside their own continent. Fairfax Harri- 
son contributes an interesting article on Parson Waugh's 
Tumult, a reaction in Virginia to the "Glorious Revolution" 
of 1688-89. 

The principal article of the January, 1922, Register of the 
Kentucky Historical Society is a History of the Coal Indus- 
try in Kentucky by Willard Rouse Jillson,Sc.D., Director and 
State Geologist of the Kentucky Geological Survey. There 
are published in this number of the Register also Early 
Marriage Records of Mercer County, 1786-1800, a glimpse 
of Paris (Kentucky) in 1809 by Mrs. W. H. Whitley; Clark 
County, Kentucky, in the census of 1810 copied and edited 
by A. C. Quisenberry; and tributes to the late William 
Thompson Price, who was buried at Frankfort, October 
29, 1921. 

Fifty pages of the Tennessee Historical Magazine of Jan- 
uary, 1921, (issued December, 1921) are filled with an ac- 
count of the Battle of Franklin, the Key to the Last Cam- 
paign in the West, by Reverend W. W. Grist, D.D., who was 
in the battle on the Union side. The magazine includes also 
a- Yankee Schoolmaster's Reminiscences of Tennessee by 
Marshall S. Snow, who writes of Nashville from 1866 to 
1869, and the history of Tennessee Department of Library 
Archives and History by A. P. Foster. 

The South Atlantic Quarterly for January, 1922, contains 
an article on "The Place of Woodrow Wilson in American 
Politics" by Edward J. Woodhouse. This article gives the 
most important facts in the career of Woodraw Wilson from 
his election to the presidency to the present, and while it is 
an appreciation of his services it is not a glorification. It is 


an impartial, just and deserved tribute to an illustrious 
American statesman. There are two other articles in this 
number which are of special interest. Pro-slavery Propa- 
ganda in American Fiction of the Fifties, by Jeanette Reid 
Tandy, and Political Problems of Hispanic America; Their 
Origin and Nature, by Mary Wilhelmina Williams. 



It is learned with sincere regret that the present illness of 
Mr. Otis Ashmore has been so serious as to necessitate his 
offering his resignation as secretary and treasurer of the 
Georgia Historical Society. It is to be hoped that he may 
yet find it possible to resume his duties. Mr. Ashmore has 
rendered valuable service to the Society, and while he may 
not continue as secretary-treasurer, it may be possible for 
him to serve as a curator and thus give the Society the ben- 
efit of his experience and advice. Mr. Charles F. Groves, 
Box 727, Savannah, Ga., is now acting secretary and treas- 

The eighty-third annual meeting of the Georgia Historical 
Society will be held at Hodgson Hall, corner Gaston and 
Whitaker street in Savannah on Wednesday, April 12. 
Judge Andrew J. Cobb, president of the Society, will deliver 
an address, the subject of which will be announced later. 
The committee arranging the program for this meeting is 
composed of Dr. R. P. Brooks, University of Georgia; 
Charles Seymour Thompson, Librarian Savannah Public 
Library, and Dr. P. S. Flippin, Mercer University. The 
terms of five of the fifteen curators of the Society will ex- 
pire in April this year. It is desired that the members of 
the Society will endeavor to attend. 

The Florida Historical Society was recently greatly stim- 
ulated by the personal interest of Mr. John B. Stetson, Jr., 
in early Florida history of the Spanish period. A historical 
pageant is to be undertaken in Jacksonville, in which the 
Florida Historical Society is given a conspicuous part. Some 
time in the near future it might be possible to arrange a 
historical pageant in Savannah under the auspices of the 
Georgia Historical Society. 


The Woodrow Wilson International Relations Club of 
Bessie Tift College, under the direction of Q. B. Gosnell, pro- 
fessor of history, in addition to the usual study of current 
events, has recently had the following series of lectures: 
The Russian Revolution, Baron Korff; New Forces in Old 
India, Dr. S. L. Joshi, of the College of Baroda, India; The 
New Citizenship, Professor J. W. W. Daniel, of Wesleyan 
College ; The Ideals of Citizenship, Mr. Claude Christopher, 
of Barnesville, Ga. ; Some Problems of Government in the 
South, Professor C. B. Gosnell, of Bessie Tift College; Tax 
Reform in Georgia, Dr. J. H. T. McPherson, of University 
of Georgia, and The Responsibilities of Citizenship, Dr. P. S. 
Flippin, of Mercer University. 

The North Georgia Conference on Welfare, held at the 
University of Georgia, Jan. 23-25, under the direction of 
Professor J. L. Sibley, of the Department of Sociology of 
that University, was an important and notable meeting. 
There were several papers and addresses on different phases 
of the following subjects: Child Hygiene and Public 
Health, The Dependent, Delinquent and Neglected Child, 
The Cost of Delinquency and Disease to the State, Religion 
the Basis of Cooperation. Several of those on the program 
were from other states than Georgia, among whom were 
Dr. Edward T. Devine, of Columbia University ; Dr. George 
Foster Peabody, of New York; Dr. James E. Gregg, of 
Hampton Institute, and Dr. James H. Dillard, President of 
Jeans and Slater Boards. 







VOL. VI.— No. 2 

JUNE, 1922 






VOL. VI.— No. 2 

JUNE, 1922 

One Dollar a Number. Three Dollars a Year 

Entered as second class mat±er, March 14, 192 U 

at the post office at Macon, Georgia, under the 

act of August 24, 1912. 



President Vice-President 


First Vice-President Vice-President 


Vfbe-President Secretary-Treasurer 







T. M. CUNNINGHAM, Jk Savannah MRS, A. R. LAWTON Savannah 


LAWTON B. EVANS Augusta A. C. NEWELL Atlanta 




ROBERT PRESTON BROOKS University of Georgia 

ELLIS MERTON COULTER University of Georgia 

CLEO HEARON Agnes Scott College 

PERCY SCOTT FLIPPIN, Mercer University 

CHARLES SEYMOUR THOMPSON....Savannah Public Library 




Development of Agriculture in Lower Georgia 
From 1850 to 1880. 
Roland M. Harper, Ph, D 97 

Eighty-Third Annual Meeting 122 

Beverly Daniel Evans. 

Orville A. Park 132 

An Appreciation of Beverly Daniel Evans. 

Judge Andrew J. Cobb 143 

Howell Cobb Papers. 

Edited by R, P. Brooks, Ph. D 147 

Book Reviews 174 

Exchanges 179 

* Died May 8, 1922. 

The Georgia Historical Quarterly 

Volume VI June, 1922 Number 2 

GEORGIA FROM 1850 TO 1880. 

Geological Survey of Alabama 

In the preceding number of the Quarterly the writer 
sketched the development of agriculture from 1850 to 1880 
in that part of Georgia lying north of the fall line (about 
two-fifths of the state), by means of census statistics. The 
present article covers the coastal plain or lower three-fifths 
of the state, for the same period. The explanation of the 
methods used and the general principles illustrated will not 
be repeated any more than necessary, for it is presumed that 
every reader of this will also have access to the preceding 
instalment. The soil and vegetation of each region will be 
described briefly, and the principal emphasis will be laid on 
the economic and social differences induced by (or correlated 
with) differences of soil. 

Besides the literature dealing with the whole state, cited 
in the previous paper, there are a few additional works re- 
lating particularly to lower Georgia that deserve mention. 
Sir Charles Lyell, a noted English geologist, entered the 
state at Augusta about the end of 1 841, and went by steamer 
about seventy miles down the Savannah river, and then by 
land to Millhaven, Jacksonborough, and Savannah. Four 
years later he landed at Savannah, and went by steamer to 


Darien and several places in that vicinity, and a little later 
traveled over the Central Railroad, mostly by hand-car, to 
Macon and Milledgeville, and then by stage to Columbus. 
He was an acute observer, not only of geological phenomena 
but of social conditions, and his views on slavery are espe- 
cially valuable on account of their impartiality. His observa- 
tions are set forth very interestingly in two works of two 
small volumes each, "Travels in North America," published 
in 1845, ^^d "Second visit to the United States," 1849. 

The "Journal of a residence on a Georgia plantation in 
1838-9," by "Fanny Kemble"(Mrs. Pierce Butler) published 
in New York in 1863, is often cited, but is said to be decid- 
edly prejudiced. The plantation described was near Darien. 
Her daughter, Frances Butler Leigh, wrote a more friendly 
book, "Ten Years on a Georgia Plantation Since the War," 
published in London in 1883. A much more optimistic 
picture of slavery days in Liberty County is R. Q. Mallard's 
"Plantation days before Emancipation," published in Rich- 
mond in 1892. The Autobiography of Joseph LeConte, 
published in 1903, gives an interesting account of his boy- 
hood days in Liberty County before the war, by one who 
was perhaps the greatest scientist Georgia ever produced.^ 

Lower Georgia is more diversified than upper Georgia in 
soil, but not so much in topography, no point in that section 
exceeding 700 feet above sea-level, as far as known. Statis- 
tics are given below for nine sub-divisions, and there are two 
smaller ones shown on the map, which do not extend far 
enough into Georgia to be studied in that way. For each 
region the leading soil texture classes will be given, as de- 
termined from recent government soil surveys of many 
counties, and a few of the commonest trees, as determined 
by quantitative studies in every county. 

1 A descriptive work covering the whole state which I neglected to cite in the 
previous article is a "Handbook of the State of G-eorgia" by Dr. Thomas P. Janes, 
Commissioner of Agriculture, published in 1876. Most of the chemical data in it 
were contributed by Dr. H. C. White, who taught me chemistry at the University 
of Ceorgia twenty years later, and is still there, and the geological and botanical 
chapters by Dr. George Little, then state geologist, who now lives in Tuscaloosa, 
Ala. (the city of his birth) a few blocks from me, and can remember Sir Charles 
Lyell's visit to Tuscaloosa in 1846. 









Map showing geographical or agricultural divisions of Georgia. 
Only those south of the fall line are discussed in this article. The small 
areas without names are two portions of the fall-line sand-hills near 
Macon, the Tallahassee red hills south of Thomasville, and the pen- 
insular lime-sink region of Florida, south of Valdosta. The railroads 
and county boundaries are those of 1885. 


The uppermost division is the fall-line sand-hills, a nar- 
row and more or less interrupted belt bordering the fall line 
from central North Carolina to western Georgia. As the 
name implies, the country is elevated and sandy, and the soil 
rather poor; but like many other poor regions the world 
over, it is salubrious and well supplied with good water. 
Geologists are not yet agreed as to whether the sand is a 
product from Cretaceous strata, or a comparatively recent 
sedimentary deposit, but that makes no particular difference 
to the student of vegetation or population. The leading 
soil texture classes, in order of area, are sand, coarse sand, 
sandy loam, coarse sandy loam, swamp and fine sand. The 
natural forest growth is mostly long-leaf pine and forked- 
leaf black-jack oak (sometimes called turkey oak) on the up- 
lands, and black gum, bay, poplar, red maple, etc., are com- 
mon in swamps. 

The region is sparsely settled, and it differs from all the 
surrounding regions in having more whites than negroes. 
It is too narrow to cover the whole of any county, but statis- 
tics for Glascock and Taylor counties (both established be- 
tween 1850 and i860) represent it fairly well, though It 
must be borne in mind that both, especially the latter, con- 
tain parts of more fertile regions, and if these could be ex- 
cluded the contrasts would be still greater. 

It was just at the inland edge of this region that David 
Dickson and Parish Furman made notable successes in farm- 
ing about half a century ago, the former, in Hancock Coun- 
ty, mainly by efficient utilization of labor, and the latter (a 
son-in-law of Joseph Le Conte) In Baldwin County, by the 
intelligent use of fertilizers. 

The blue marl region is small In Georgia but larger in 
Alabama. Its strata are of Cretaceous age, and mostly 
marly, but covered in most places, like the greater part of 
our coastal plain, with later non-calcareous clays and sands. 
It is moderately hilly, and some of the valleys are wider than 
the ridges, reminding one of the Appalachian Valley (North- 
west Georgia) on a small scale. The railroads are mostly 


in the valleys, and where they cut through the ridges they 
often expose the marly strata full of characteristic fossils. 
Some of the creeks flow through small gorges with precip- 
itous sides. 

The prevailing soil texture classes are sandy loam, clay, 
fine sandy loam, sand, and very fine sandy loam. There is 
very little swamp. The commonest trees are short-leaf 
(loblolly) pine, long-leaf pine, short-leaf (rosemary) pine, 
and sweet gum. On account of the small area of this re- 
gion in Georgia, the statistics for it are not very satisfac- 
tory. It covers most of Chattahoochee County and less 
than half of Quitman and Stewart, but probably includes 
most of the farm land in the last two. 

The red hills of the coastal plain extend from eastern 
South Carolina to northern Mississippi, and perhaps a lit- 
tle farther in both directions, in a belt about thirty miles 
wide. The underlying strata are Eocene limestone, marl, 
chert, shale etc., but they do not usually show at the surface 
enough to influence the soil much, the prevailing surface ma- 
terial being a reddish loam, varying from clay to nearly 
pure sand in places. The topography is rolling to moder- 
ately hilly, with broad uplands and narrower more or less 
swampy valleys. At the boundary between this and the blue 
marl region, particularly near Brooklyn and Lumpkin, 
there is an inland-facing escarpment about 600 feet above 
sea level, from which one can get extensive views to the 

There is a narrow belt of limestone and strongly calcar- 
eous soils extending from about Sandersville to Perry, which 
might rank as a distinct region if it was wide enough; and 
the influence of limestone is seen in a few other places, par- 
ticularly in northern Randolph County, in the occurrence of 
a few caves and shallow ponds. The principal soil texture 
classes, according to existing soil surveys (which hardly 
touch any of the distinctly calcareous areas) are sandy 
loam, fine sandy loam, sand, loamy sand, clay loam, and 
"meadow'* (the last a term used by the Bureau of Soils con- 


trary to ordinary usage, to cover a great variety of soils 
subject to occasional inundation). Three kinds of pine and 
several oaks are common on uplands, sweet gum in various 
situations, and bay, poplar, black gum and cypress in 

The red lime lands (heretofore conafcined with the sandy 
lime-sink region) are underlaid by Oligocene limestone, 
which influences the soil much more than most of the Eocene 
strata in the red hills do, as manifested by rock fragments 
in the soil and by numerous ponds and lime-sinks. The to- 
pography is neither flat nor hilly, but may be called rolling. 
The soils are commonly reddish in color, except where sand 
prevails. (There seems to be very little red soil in Lee 
County, but that county Is included on account of the abun- 
dance of limestone and the predominance of negroes.) The 
prevailing texture classes In the parts of Terrell, Dougherty 
and Early counties included in this region (there being no 
soil surveys yet for Lee and Calhoun) are sandy loam 
(about half the total), clay loam (about one-fifth), swamp, 
loamy sand, gravelly sand loam, and gravelly clay loam. 
(There is perhaps no other equal area in the coastal plain 
east of the Mississippi River with so much clay loam.) 

This is one of the few places east of the Mississippi 
River where the live oak grows wild over lOO miles from the 
coast ; and although we have not enough chemical data yet, 
this may be an indication that the soils are rich in phosphor- 
us, for In Florida the live oak seems to be partial to phos- 
phatlc soils. The vegetation in other respects is somewhat 
intermediate between that of the two adjoining regions. 

Before the introduction of artesian wells (the first suc- 
cessful one in Georgia was drilled by Col. John P. Fort in 
the western part of Dougherty County in i88t) good wa- 
ter was scarce in this region (as in many other fertile re- 
gions) ; and before the discovery of the relation of mosqui- 
toes to malaria, in 1900, it was regarded as very unhealthy 
for white people. Even yet negroes are decidedly in the 


majority In the rural districts. The number of white per- 
sons in Dougherty County outside of Albany decreased from 
1 15 1 (17.3%) in i860 to 501 (6.1%) in 1890, then in- 
creased to 1282 (15.1%) in 1920; and of course some if 
not most of them were in the sandy eastern part of the 

The lime-sink region proper Is chiefly confined to Southwest 
Georgia, West Florida, and southeastern Alabama, but it 
may be represented also in South Carolina and eastern Mis- 
sissippi. It is underlaid by about the same geological form- 
ation as the preceding, but that is nearly everywhere cov- 
ered by several feet of clay and sand, so that the vegetation 
does not differ much from that of the next region, which 
is distinctly non-calcareous. The topography is undulating 
to flattish, with many shallow ponds, some open and some 
full of trees, and surprisingly few small streams, on account 
of the prevalence of subterranean drainage. (One can go 
from Bainbridge twenty miles northward or northwest- 
ward without seeing any running water except the Flint 
River and Spring Creek.) In many places it Is necessary 
to sink a well fifty feet or more to get good water, and the 
negroes may either carry what little water they need from 
some white man's house, or dig a shallow well close to the 
edge of some pond. There are several large limestone 
springs (blue springs), the best known one being a few 
miles south of Albany. 

The prevailing soils are sandy loam (about three-fourths 
of the total), sand, "meadow," swamp, loamy sand, clay 
loam (about 2%), fine sandy loam, gravelly sandy loam 
and coarse sand. The original vegetation was mostly long- 
leaf pine and wire grass, with slash pine, pond cypress, black 
gum and May haw in ponds, and various other deciduous 
trees along rivers and creeks. 

The rolling wire grass country has no counterpart in 
South Carolina, but covers about 10,000 square miles in 
Georgia, and extends, with some interruptions, across West 


Florida, southwestern Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana. 
The strata within a few hundred feet of the surface are 
usually all clay and sand, and in a few places a clayey sand- 
stone of about the color of pine bark, known as Altamaha 
Grit, crops out on hillsides. The boundary between this 
and the lime-sink region in most places is a distinct inland- 
facing escarpment, which in Decatur County rises about 
150 feet in three miles'. 

The topography varies from flat to moderately hilly. The 
flat areas are usually on uplands remote from streams, and 
dotted with shallow irregular cypress ponds. In the hilly 
portions the valleys may be as much as fifty feet deep. 
Streams of all sizes abound, and good water is easily reached 
almost anywhere by shallow wells and suction pumps, com- 
pensating to some extent for the comparative infertility of 
the soil. There are deep beds of sand along the left sides of 
most of the creeks and rivers, a feature more extensively de- 
veloped in this region than anywhere else in the eastern 
United States. The prevailing soil types are sandy loam 
(over half), sand, fine sandy loam, swamp, ''meadow," 
coarse sandy loam, and loamy sand. A good deal of the 
upland is strewn with ferruginous nodules usually a fraction 
of an inch in diameter, making what is known as "pimply 
land," and regarded as a little better than the average. 

In this region, as in all southeast of it, late summer is the 
wettest season, and the warm rains must have leached out 
much of the fertility that may have originally been in the 
soil. Such a climate is also unfavorable for the picking of 
ordinary upland cotton, but does not interfere so much with 
sea-island cotton, which ripens later, and was the preferred 
variety before the boll weevil came. 

The country was originally covered with a magnificent 
forest of long-leaf pine carpeted with wire-grass, with small 
oaks on sand hills, cypress and slash pine in ponds, and bay, 
black gum and other hardwoods in swamps. Like many 
other regions with soil below the average in fertility, it has 


always been practically free from malaria, and whites are 
nearly everywhere in the majority. In 1880, the latest 
year for we have such data by counties, there were more na- 
tives of North Carolina than of South Carolina in this 
region, a fact probably correlated with differences in the 
average fertility of the soil in those two states. 

In ante-bellum days cultivated land must have been chiefly 
confined to river-bottoms and a few spots on the uplands 
where the sand is thin, and there was probably a good deal 
of somewhat nomadic farming, cultivating a small area for 
a few years until the soil was exhausted, and then clearing 
another patch and repeating the process. Lumbering and 
turpentining and cattle raising must have contributed more 
to the support of the population than tilling of the soil, as 
we can easily infer from some of the statistics presented 
presented below. But in spite of the unpromising environ- 
ment some of the farmers were very thrifty, and White in 
his Statistics of Georgia, 1849, speaks in terms of admi- 
ration of the industrious citizens of Bulloch County. 

The hammock ^helt includes parts of a few of the southern 
tier of counties in Georgia, but is more extensive in Florida. 
Its rocks seem to be mostly impure limestone, but they are 
not exposed in many places. The topography and soil vary 
greatly in short distances, from red loamy hills something 
like those in the red hill belt already described to flat sandy 
pine woods scarcely distinguishable from the flat pine lands 
described farther on. 

The soils are evidently more fertile on the average than 
those in the wire-grass country, and the prevailing texture 
classes are ^nt sandy loam (over half), fine sand, sandy 
loam, sand, "meadow," swamp, and loamy sand. The com- 
monest trees are long-leaf pine, short-leaf (loblolly) pine, 
and bay. The vegetation includes a good deal of ham- 
mock, characterized by magnolia, beech, spruce pine, sweet 
gum, evergreen oaks, dogwood etc. 

The Tallahassee red hills is a small region best devel- 


oped around Tallahassee, Fla., but extending northeast- 
ward to near Boston, Ga. One studying It In Georgia alone 
might consider It merely an extreme phase of the hammock 
belt, but It is more distinct In Florida. It is especially char- 
acterized by phosphatic rock (not pure enough to be mined 
with profit), and reddish loamy soils, with numerous lakes 
and ponds and few streams. The live oak and sweet gum 
(which are supposed to like phosphorus) are common trees, 
and the short-leaf (rosemary) pine still more so. The in- 
habitants are mostly negroes. There Is not enough of this 
in Georgia to be treated statistically. 

In the southern part of Lowndes and Brooks Counties 
is the north end of another lime-sink region, which extends 
far down into Florida, and Includes the most important 
phosphate deposits in that state. The small portion of It 
in Georgia does not differ much from the sandy lime-sink 
region already described. 

On the southeast the rolling wire-grass country passes 
sometimes gradually and sometimes abruptly into the flat 
pine lands, similar In soil and vegetation, but differing In 
topography, being in most places less than lOO feet above 
sea level and devoid of hills. The most conspicuous topo- 
graphic features are two low sandy ridges, or terraces, run- 
ning parallel to the coast, one about 40 miles inland and one 
about 25. The inner or higher one, known in Florida as 
Trail Ridge, makes a sort of dam along the east side of Oke- 
finokee Swamp, a scenic wonderland covering about 700 
square miles. The other causes the Satilla and St. Mary's 
rivers to flow parallel to it each for about 30 miles before 
resuming their direct courses to the sea. 

The area is so flat that it is ''poorly drained,*' except near 
rivers and creeks that have cut their channels down a little 
below the general level, and shallow swamps and ponds 
abound, and water Is of course easy to get. The region 
seems to be about as healthful as the rolling wire-grass 
country, though. The prevailing soils are fine sand, fine 


sandy loam, sand, swamp, and "meadow." The vegetation 
is much like that in the rolling country, except for having 
more swamp. The commonest trees are long-leaf pine, 
slash pine, pond cypress, black gum, black pine and bay. 

The coast strip averages about twenty miles wide in Geor- 
gia, and includes a low, flat, marly belt on the mainland, ex- 
tensive salt marshes, and the sea-islands, which are com- 
posed mostly of wind-blown sand, marsh muck, and oyster 
shells. The soil is moderately fertile, though in many pla- 
ces too low and damp to be cultivated profitably. 

The principal soil types are marsh (about one-fourth), 
fine sand, clay, swamp, fine sandy loam, very fine sand, very 
fine sandy loam, coarse sandy loam, and clay loam. The 
commonest trees seem to be short leaf (loblolly) pine, slash 
pine, sweet gum, black gum, red maple, long-leaf pine, black 
pine, cabbage palmetto, and live oak; though of course if 
the islands alone were considered the sequence would be 
quite different. 

On account of its accessibility, mild climate, and moder- 
ately fertile soil, this is the oldest agricultural region in the 
State. Indigo was an important crop in the i8th century, 
and rice held the lead considerably later. There were or- 
ange groves near Savannah before the Civil War. Sea-island 
cotton has been raised extensively, but not as much as in the 
corresponding portion of South Carolina. Only a compara- 
tively small part of the area is cultivable, though, and before 
the days of artesian wells it was hard to get good water, so 
that few white people lived outside the cities. 

It is difficult to get accurate statistics of this region, for 
two reasons. First, all of the six coast counties include 
considerable areas of the flat pine lands, which are very thin- 
ly settled. This is especially true of Liberty County, which 
although one of the oldest, with many traditions pertaining 
to its coastward extremity, extends so far back into the 
piney woods that county totals for it mean very little. An- 
other difficulty is the concentration of most of the population 


In Savannah and other seaports, whose growth reflects the 
prosperity of a large tributary territory, practically all of 
South Georgia, and Is not dependent on their own environ- 
ment. For this reason the figures for density of population, 
inhabitants per farm, etc., In this strip are not worth much 
for comparison with the other regions described. But of 
course this condition was not so marked In the period cov- 
ered by this article as it is now when the seaport cities are 
much larger. 

Bearing these brief descriptions of the several regions in 
mind, we can appreciate the statistical differences shown in 
the following tables. On account of the lack of correspond- 
ence between natural and political boundaries. If the ratios 
were carried out to as many decimals as even a small slide- 
rule allows, it would give them a false appearance of greater 
precision than can be claimed for them; so that decimals are 
usually omitted In the case of numbers with two or more 
digits, which Is practically necessary anyway if we are to get 
nine columns of figures on one page. And in some cases the 
figures obtained by calculation have been deliberately dis- 
torted a little to bring them nearer the truth. For example, 
all the counties crossed by the hammock belt also contain 
some rolling wire-grass country, so that the ratios for those 
counties are somewhere between the ratios for the hammock 
belt and those for the wire-grass country, and it Is permissi- 
ble to shift them at least to the nearest whole number in a 
direction away from the wire-grass ratios. 

As In the preceding article, the highest number In each line 
Is printed In heavy type and the lowest In italics, unless two 
or more are so nearly the same that It is difficult to decide 
between them. This shows at a glance the extremes of 
variation in any particular region within the area treated, 
and makes it much easier tO' determine In what respect any 
particular region leads or falls behind. There Is hardly 
room for the state averages in the tables, but they can be 
found in the previous article. 


The four tables together contain about a thousand ratios, 
and may seem at first thought to make pretty dry reading. 
But it should be borne in mind that every number expresses 
some fundamental fact and to put all the same facts in sen- 
tences would involve tiresome repetition of words and re- 
quire several times as many pages. 

In 1850, the earliest period for which the census gives the 
number and size of farms, the counties traversed by the 
sand-hills, blue marl region, and hammock belt were so much 
wider than those regions that county statistics for them 
would be quite misleading; so they are omitted from the 
first table. The red lime lands perhaps should be omitted too, 
for it covered only a small part of Baker and Lee Counties 
at that period; but as the farming in those counties must 
have been chiefly confined to the red lands, the various ra- 
tios per farm may be accurate enough, and we can simply 
omit the density of population and percentage of improved 

The red hill belt at that time was represented by Burke, 
Houston, Jefferson, Macon, Randolph, Twiggs, Washing- 
ton, and Wilkinson Counties, the sandy lime-sink region by 
Dooly and Early, the rolling wire-grass by Appling, Bul- 
loch, Emanuel, Irwin, Montgomery, Tattnall and Telfair, 
the flat pine lands by Clinch, Effingham, Ware and Wayne, 
and the coast strip by Chatham, Glynn and Mcintosh. 

The population of lower Georgia at that time was almost 
entirely rural, outside of the fall-line cities and seaports. 
The only railroad of consequence was the Central from 
Savannah to Macon, with a branch from Gordon to Mil- 
ledgeville, and it did not touch any county-seats between its 
terminals until over sixty years after it was built.^ The 

1 There is a tradition in Bulloch County that the railroad was originally intend- 
ed to take a pretty direct course from Savannah to Macon, but Peter Cone, a large 
land-holder and member of the Legislature from Bulloch, successfully opposed 
it on the ground that the trains would kill too many of his cattle ; so that when 
the railroad reached Meldrim it turned aside and went up the east side of the 
Ogeechee River. But my friend Dr. U. B. Phillips, one of the greatest modern 
authorities on Gteorigia history, assures me that there is no documentary evidence 
of any such action by the Legislature. 


Stations at first were located approximately ten miles apart, 
and numbered instead of named, and some of the oldest 
inhabitants still refer to them by number (or did a few 
years ago). The Southwestern R. R., now a part of the 
Central, had been built about forty miles southwestward 
from Macon. 

The only cities and towns in lower Georgia mentioned in 
the census of 1850 are as follows: At the inland edge of 
the sand-hills, Alugusta, with about 10,000 inhabitants, and 
Macon, with 5,720. At the inland edge of the blue marl 
region, Columbus, with 5,942. In the red hills, Buena Vis- 
ta, with 530, Lanier (county-seat of Macon Co., now ex- 
tinct) 217, and Waynesboro 192. In the wire-grass, Jack- 
sonville, the old county-seat of Telfair, had 119 inhabitants. 
In the coast strip. Savannah, the largest city in the state, 
had 15,312, and Darien 550. 

The only apparent error in the Seventh Census as far as 
it concerns lower Georgia is that the improved land in Pu- 
laski County seems excessive, but that county is not used 
in the statistics because it then included what is now Dodge 
County, which is mostly in a different region. Richmond, 
Bibb, Crawford, Muscogee, Marion, Stewart, Sumter, Lau- 
rens, Screven, Decatur, Thomas, Lowndes, Bryan, Liberty 
and Camden Counties also are not used in the statistics, be- 
cause they were then too large and diversified (and some 
of them still are). 

The coast strip was then the most densely populated, but 
if the city of Savannah were excluded the red hills would 
lead in that respect. The coast strip had over twice as 
many negroes as white people, while in the two poorest re- 
gions, the rolling wire-grass and flat pine lands, whites out- 
numbered the negroes about three to one. The percentage 
of illiteracy among the whites, then as now, was roughly in- 
versely proportional to the percentage of negroes, for 



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where slaves were most numerous they did all the menial 
tasks, and the whites had to be reasonably intelligent to di- 
rect them. 

The red hills apparently had by far the largest proportion 
of improved land (and nearly half the farms in South Geor- 
gia), indicating the best soil, but if we had accurate figures 
for the blue marl region and red Hme lands one of those 
might have been a close second or even ahead. The largest 
farms were in the wire-grass country, but land there was then 
worth only a few cents an acre, and only about one-twen- 
tieth of the farm land was improved. The coast strip led 
in improved acres per farm (or plantation), but the red 
hills and red lime lands were not far behind. 

The coast strip also had the most valuable farms, and the 
most machinery, slaves, horses and oxen per farm. It is 
interesting to note that every region then had more horses 
than mules, as was the case also in upper Georgia. The 
red lime lands led in mules and hogs per farm, and the wire- 
grass (then and long afterward) in sheep. In the last- 
named region the raising of cattle and sheep on free range 
in the open pine woods was evidently a much bigger business 
than tilling the soil, and the same is true of the flat pine 
lands, except that sheep were not very important there, prob- 
ably because they do not flourish in swampy regions. 

By i860 the counties of Glascock and Taylor had been 
created, and those are used to represent the sand-hill belt. 
Chattahoochee and Quitman Counties were laid out about 
the same time and much of the red hill part of Stewart cut 
off, so that those three counties become available for the 
blue marl region, though they do not represent it very ac- 
curately, as already explained. Marion was reduced in size, 
but still too diversified for our purposes. Clay, Schley and 
Webster were added to the list of red hill counties, and 
some of the others reduced in size. Most of the red lime 
lands portion of Baker County had been put into Calhoun 
and Dougherty, and those two with Lee and Terrell now 


represent the red lime lands pretty well, although Lee dif- 
fers in some respects, as already explained. The sandy 
lime-sink region is represented by Baker, Dooly, Early, 
Miller and Mitchell. Decatur, Johnson, Laurens, Pulaski, 
Screven, Wilcox and Worth are not used, on account of be- 
ing partly in the lime-sink region and partly in the rolling 
wire-grass. To the list of counties for the last-named are 
now added Berrien, Coffee and Colquitt. Brooks, Lowndes 
and Thomas represent the hammock belt, but not very ac- 
curately, as already explained. To the flat pine lands coun- 
ties Charlton, Echols and Pierce are added. Part of Ap- 
pling was transferred to Wayne about this time, necessitat- 
ing a revision of the areas. Bryan, Camden and Liberty, 
having most of their area in the pine lands and most of 
their farms in the coast strip, are not used. The same 
three counties as before are used for the coast strip, but 
part of Mcintosh seems to have been transferred to Lib- 
erty, making a change in area. 

The railroad mileage increased considerably between 
1850 and i860. The Augusta branch of the Central R. R. 
was built, the Southwestern was completed to Oglethorpe 
in 1 85 1, and later to Columbus and Albany, about fifty 
miles of the Macon & Brunswick (afterwards the E. T. V. 
& G., now Southern Ry.) was built, the Brunswick & Al- 
bany (now Atlantic Coast Line) was started, and the At- 
lantic & Gulf (afterwards S. F. & W., now Atlantic Coast 
Line) had just reached Thomasville. 

The cities and towns were growing slowly, and new ones 
were springing up along the railroads. Along the fall line 
Augusta had 12,493 inhabitants, Macon 8,247, and Colum- 
bus 9,621. In the red hills were Lumpkin with 765 and 
Oglethorpe 454. In the red lime lands Albany had 1,618 
and Morgan (county-seat of Calhoun Co. from its incep- 
tion until a few months ago) 187. In the lime-sink region 
the population of Newton was returned as 3,225 and Bain- 
bridge 1,869, but these figures seem excessive (unless steam- 


boat traffic on the Flint River was much larger than we now 
realize) and may represent whole districts. In the ham- 
mock belt Valdosta had i66 inhabitants and Troupville, 
the old county-seat of the same county, 158. Blackshear, 
in the flat pine lands, had 319. In the coast strip were Sa- 
vannah, with 22,292 inhabitants, Brunswick, with 825, St. 
Mary's with 650, and Darien with 570. 

Two apparent errors in the census need to be noted. The 
value of implements and machinery in Early County was re- 
turned as $154,170, which seems about three times too 
much, and should perhaps have been $54,170. In Thomas 
the number of "other cattle," 166, would be more reasonable 
if it was multiplied by 100. For these reasons two spaces 
in the table are left blank, for if the figures were taken lit- 
erally the results would be preposterous. 

The farms increased in size and value between 1850 and 
i860, as in upper Georgia, but not as much as the figures 
appear to indicate, as explained in the previous article. 
The relative rank of the several regions remained about 
the same as before. Of the three regions not represented 
in the 1850 table, the sand hills ranked a little below the 
state average in density of population, the blue marl region 
above, and the hammock belt probably also above, if we had 
the true facts. The two latter had negroes in the majority, 
like most other fertile regions in the cotton belt. The num- 
ber of white persons per farm ranged from about 9 tO' 11, 
except in the coast strip, where the large city population 
upsets the calculations. 

In value of property per farm most of these regions were 
far above the United States average, and even above the 
average for the lower Piedmont, the most prosperous region 
in upper Georgia. In most of the evidences of wealth 
either the red lime lands or the coast strip led, in spite of the 
fact that in the former region the population was practic- 
ally all rural. That region then produced about four times 
as much cotton per farm and three times as much per square 



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mile as the state average, and more corn per farm than the 
great corn-belt states of Illinois and Iowa. 

The red lands and coast strip had more slave-holders 
than farms, which in the former case at least indicates that 
practically every farmer owned slaves. This may have been 
true in the latter also, but we have no way of knowing 
just how many of the slave-holders lived in Savannah and 
had slaves only for domestic service. In the wire-grass and 
flat pine lands evidently most of the farmers got along with- 
out any slaves, and the same was probably true in the sand 
hills too. 

Mules now outnumbered horses in some of the more fer- 
tile regions, doubtless on account of the diminishing free 
range, as explained in the article on upper Georgia. The 
wire-grass region led in sheep, as before, and the hammock 
belt in hogs. Hogs were more numerous than people ex- 
cept in the coast region (and they, may have been there too, 
outside of the cities). 

Between i860 and 1870 the Civil War caused some pro- 
found changes, but, as was stated in the previous article, it 
seems fair to assume that very few negroes were operating 
farms in 1870, and to interpret the statistics accordingly, ex- 
cept in the coast strip, which will be referred to more par- 
ticularly farther on. 

The counties were the same in 1870 as in i860, but the 
railroads had been extended a little and several new towns 
had sprung up. The Atlantic & Gulf R. R. (now Atlantic 
Coast Line) was completed to Bainbridge soon after the 
war, and branches built from Thomasville to Albany and 
from near Dupont southward into Florida. The Southwest- 
ern was pushing westward from Albany, and the Brunswick 
& Albany was nearing completion. 

The principal cities and towns were as follows :- 

Along the fall line, Augusta with 15,389 inhabitants, 
Macon, with 10,810, and Columbus, with 7,401. 

In the blue marl region, Georgetown 263, Cusseta 216. 


In the red hills, Americus, 3,259, Cuthbert 2,210, Fort 
Valley 1,333, Perry 836, Lumpkin 778, Fort Gaines 758, 
Buena Vista 525, and several smaller. 

In the red lime lands, Albany 2,101, Morgan 126. 

In the lime-sink region, Bainbridge 1,351, Hawkinsville 
813, and a few under 300. 

In the rolling wire-grass country, Swainsboro had 108 in- 
habitants, and no other place over 100. 

In the flat pine lands, Blackshear, 490. 

In the coast strip, Savannah, 28,235, Brunswick 2,348, 
St. Mary's 702, Darien 547. 

Every region in South Georgia showed a moderate in- 
crease in population during the decade, but this was more 
among the negroes than among the whites, in spite of the 
fact that the former are thought to have been counted less 
completely than usual in 1870. The improved land in- 
creased a little except in the red hills, flat pine lands and 
coast strip, but the number of farms increased more, mak- 
ing them smaller except in the blue marl region and red 
lime lands, which remained about the same in that respect. 
The great decrease in average farm size in the coast strip 
(to about one-fourth in both total and improved acreage) 
strongly suggests that many negroes must have become farm 
proprietors there soon after emancipation; and this is cor- 
roborated by the fact that ever since white and negro far- 
mers have been separated by the census there have been 
more negro owners than tenants in that region. 

The value of property per farm in most regions dropped 
to less than half of what it was before the war, in spite of 
being measured in the inflated currency of 1870. Mules 
now outnumbered horses in every region except the two 
poorest. Cattle, sheep and hogs, especially the later, di- 
minished considerably during the war, as would be expected. 

Wages paid to farm laborers is an item which appears for 
the first time in the returns for 1870, and it is natural that 
the expenditure per farm should be lowest in the poorest 












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regions, where the farmers were mostly poor whites who 
never owned slaves and were accustomed to doing their own 
work. The great difference in this respect between the red 
lime lands and the coast strip, both of which had a large ne- 
gro majority, suggests again that nearly all the negro men 
in the former were hired laborers, while in the latter many 
must have had their own little farms. The red lime lands 
were leading in corn and cotton per farm, as before. 

Before 1880 the Macon & Augusta R. R. (now a part of 
the Georgia), which had been started before the war, was 
completed, making the sand hills more accessible. The Ma- 
con & Brunswick and Brunswick & Western were completed^ 
and two short lines connecting Louisville and Sandersville 
with the nearest points on the Central R. R. were built. 

Most of the cities and towns were growing as usual, 
though there were some exceptions. The three fall line 
cities maintained about the same relative rank. In the sand 
hills were Geneva, with 254 inhabitants, and Gibson, with 
123. In the blue marl region, Georgetown 245, Cusseta 
166, both a little less than in 1870. In the red hills Amer- 
icus had 3,635, Cuthbert 2,129, Sandersville 1,279, F^^*^ 
Valley 1,277, Waynesboro 1,008, Perry 929, Fort Gaines 
867, Lumpkin 747, Marshallville 543, Buena Vista 529. 
In the red lime lands, Albany 3,216, Dawson 1,576, Lees- 
burg 359, Smithville 329. In the lime-sink region, Hawk- 
insville 1,542, Bainbridge 1,436, Cochran 836, Camilla 
672, Dublin 574. In the rolling wire-grass country were 
Sylvania 514, Wrighfsville 272, Swainsboro 186, and a few 
smaller ones. In the hammock belt, Thomasville 2,555, 
Valdosta 1,515, Quitman 1,400, Boston 2^^- In the flat 
pine lands, Blackshear 778, Jesup 562, Homerville 201. 
In the coast strip. Savannah 30,709, Brunswick 2,891. 

The only county change in South Georgia between 1870 
and 1880 was the cutting off of Dodge from Pulaski, which 
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On comparing the 1880 figures with those for 1870 we 
find a moderate increase of population in every region ex- 
cept the blue marl. In the two poorest regions the increase 
was about 50%, probably on acount of the use of commer- 
cial fertilizers, which had just become important enough 
for the census to take cognizance of, and made it possible 
to cultivate some poor soils with profit. The negroes seem 
to have increased a little faster than the whites in every 
region, but that may be due partly to the supposed incom- 
plete enumeration in 1870. 

The percentage of improved land increased, except in the 
blue marl region and coast strip. Tenure of farms is now 
given for the first time, and the percentage of owners is 
largest in the two or three poorest regions,partly on account 
of the predominance of white farmers and partly on acount 
of the cheapness of the land, which made it easy for anybody 
to own a farm. The great decrease in the average size 
and value of farms, especially in the regions with large ne- 
gro population, indicates plainly that the freedmen were 
rapidly setting up in business for themselves. For this 
reason the remaining per farm statistics do not mean much, 
as noted in the previous article. 

Fertilizers are now returned for the first time, and the 
most extensive use of them was in the rolling wire-grass 
country, which had the largest proportion of intelligent 
white farmers, and the least in the coast strip ; and this is 
reflected in the yield of cotton per acre, which now begins 
to have little connection with the natural fertility of the 
soil. The yield of all crops per acre does not seem to be 
affected much by the racial composition of the farm popula- 
tion, and indicates intensity of farming more than anything 
else, as will be illustrated better when we come to later cen- 
suses, that give more complete data on farm expenditures 
and receipts. 


Eighty-Third Annual Meeting. 

Savannah, Ga., April 12, 1922. 

The eighty-third annual meeting of the Georgia His- 
torical Society, adjourned over from February 12th, was 
held at Hodgson Hall at 10 o'clock, a. m., this day with 
Judge Andrew J. Cobb in the chair. Besides a number of 
citizens oif the city of Savannah there were present mem- 
bers from Athens, Macon, Reidsville, Thomasville and 

The program for the morning session was as follows : 
President's Address — 

Judge Andrew J. Cobb, of Athens. 

"Edward Langworthy and the First Attempt to Write a 
Separate History of Georgia; with Selections from the 
Long-Lost Langworthy Papers" — 

Leonard L. Mackall, of Savannah. 

**The Activities of the Missionaries Among the Cherokees" 

Linton M. Collins, of Reidsville. 

"The Georgia Historical Society and the Teacher"^ — 

Prof. Percy Scott Flippin, of Macon. 

"The Georgia Historical Quarterly" — 

Prof. R. P. Brooks, of Athens. 

The President's address was a distinctive feature of the 

Mr. Leonard L. Mackall's paper was a thoughtful and 
scholarly effort. The paper in its completed form will 
appear in one of the early issues of the Quarterly. 


Mr. Linton M. Collins' paper proved of unusual interest 
and was greatly enjoyed. 

The subjects assigned to Dr. Brooks and Dr. Flippin were 
not treated in a formal way with prepared papers or ad- 
dresses. They were presented as discussions along practi- 
cal lines as to methods of creating an increased interest in 
the Society and the Quarterly and in historical research. 

Dr. Flippin stated that there are only forty-two educators 
in Georgia, including heads of educational institutions, de- 
partmental heads and specialists, who are members of the 
Georgia Historical Society and that of this number only 
fifteen are teachers of history. Practically none are con- 
nected with high schools or preparatory schools. Probably 
not more than four or five take an active interest in the 
Quarterly. Dr. Brooks continued the subject, stating that 
in the publication of the Quarterly there are two important 
units requiring thought and attention, namely, the financial 
question and then the question of talent and material. Our 
state is, historically speaking, virgin territory. In Virginia, 
North Carolina and Texas the historical output exceeds ours 
many fold. Why is this so? Primarily because in those 
states the historical departments of the State universities 
and other colleges are far better manned. They have more 
professors, men better trained, the salaries are larger, the 
library facilities are infinitely more extensive and the pro- 
fessors have more leisure for historical work. The remarks 
of Drs. Flippin and Brooks brought forth comments from 
(Messrs. Minis, Gordon, Mrs. Lawton, Mr. Lawton and 
Mr. Ashmore. Mr. Minis stressed the matter of non- 
payment of dues by members and expressed his opinion that 
because of lack of financial support it would be difficult 
to continue the magazine as a quarterly. Mr. Gordon spoke 
to the effect that the magazine could be made more attract- 
ive by encouraging contributors. He thought that financial 
remuneration should be offered to contributors. He thought 
that both Dr. Flippin and Dr. Brooks had narrowed the 


home of historical talent when they restricted the writers 
to those connected with colleges and universities. He men- 
tioned the names of members of the legal profession well 
qualified to produce articles on historical subjects. Dr. 
Flippin said that he had met with practically no encourage- 
ment from the lawyers. He said that he had made an 
earnest effort to secure articles of merit from certain law- 
yers but that the lack of responses had greatly discouraged 
him. Mr. Lawton briefly reviewed the steps leading up 
to the merger of the Georgia Historical Association with 
the Georgia Historical Society and said that a greater State- 
wide interest was needed in the Society and to create and 
continue this interest he hoped ways and means would be 
found to continue the publication of the Quarterly. He 
thought a good membership committee was needed to aid 
in this work. Mrs. Lawton thought that if the membership 
fees were made $i it might help the financial situation. Dr. 
Brooks was of the opinion that in addition to the efforts to 
increase the members of the $3 class a special effort should 
be made to secure forty or fifty sustaining members paying 
dues of $25 a year. It was pointed out that the Society has 
but one sustaining member at this time. It was recognized 
that fifty sustaining members whose dues would be devoted 
exclusively to the expenses of maintaining the Quarterly 
would solve the questions connected with the publication of 
the Quarterly. Mr. Ashmore thought that if it were found 
impracticable to secure such a number of sustaining members 
he would favor making the magazine an annual. It was 
finally resolved to refer the question to the Board of Cura- 
tors with full power to act. 

The Chairman of the Finance Committee submitted the 
Annual Report of the Treasurer, which was ordered filed. 
The Treasurer's report shows a balance of cash at April i, 
1922, of $1,401.05, and ownership of Liberty Bonds of the 
par value of $2,000. The Society also owns Hodgson Hall 
and the property on which it is located on the southwest cor- 


ner of Gaston and Whitaker Streets, in Savannah. Insur- 
ance is carried on the building in the value of $27,000, and 
on the contents for $15,000. In this connection attention 
was called tO' a list prepared by the Treasurer showing ap- 
proximately 264 names of members who are in arrears for 
more than two years. On motion duly seconded, the list 
was referred to the Board of Curators for action. 

The Secretary submitted a statement showing members 
as at April i, 1922, as follows: 

Life members 5 

Active members of various classes ^66 

Total 571 

Members on suspended list because of 
being delinquent in the payment of __ 

dues 264 

Corresponding members 5 

V Honorary members 5 

Total 845 

The active members in good standing are classified as fol- 
lows : 

Sustaining i @ $25 $ 25. 

Contributing 37 @ $10 ___. 370. 

Members 528 @ $3 1,584. $1,979. 

The Librarian's report was read to the Society by Mr. 
William Harden, the Librarian. 

Savannah, Ga., 12th April, 1922. 

To the Board of Curators of the Georgia Historical Society. 
Gentlemen : 

Once more it is my duty and privilege to submit the Li- 
brarian's report. 

One year ago it appeared that the Library contained 
40>753 books and 26,000 pamphlets. In the twelve months 
just closed additions have been made to the collection of 


bound volumes amounting to 365, making a total of 41, 
116, and to the pamphlets 2,215, swelling that department 
to the number of 28,215. 

It is gratifying to note that our members have used the 
Library more freely than in the past several years. While 
this is true, I would suggest something be done, if possible, 
to extend its usefulness by the purchase of some of the re- 
cently published books which are being called for, but which 
we have not been able to supply. Even a few hundred dol- 
lars could be well spent at this time in securing certain his- 
torical and genealogical works specially sought for. 

Since our last meeting we have received as a gift from the 
surviving members of the Wadley family the fine marble 
bust of the late Mr. William Wadley, for years the Presi- 
dent of the Central Railroad and Banking Company of 
Georgia, now known as the Central of Georgia Railway 
Company. It is the work of the noted sculptor Robert 
Cushing and is a perfect likeness. 

The flag presented to the Savannah Home Guard, and 
used by that organization during the great World War, was 
given to us by its members, through its commanding officer, 
Col. Beirne Gordon, and it is now in our hall. 

Respectfully submitted, 

William Harden, 


Announcement was made by the President of the appoint- 
ment of Messrs. Alexander R. Lawton, Wm. W. Gordon, 
Dr. P. S. Flippin and Dr. R. P. Brooks as a committee to 
nominate five curators to succeed those whose terms ex 
pired with this meeting. 

Mr. Folks Huxford, of Homerville, Ga., presented to 
the Society a copy of the first number of the South Georgia 
Genealogical and Historical Quarterly and also a copy of his 
pamphlet containing a history of Clinch County. 

The following resolution, proposed by Dr. Brooks, was 
unanimously adopted: 


Resolved, That the Society In annual session convened 
expresses to Mr. Otis Ashmore its sincere appre- 
ciation of his long and capable services as Corres- 
ponding Secretary, and also as Secretary-Treasurer, 
and its regret that he has been forced on account 
of his health to retire from the position. 
Mr. Ashmore was present, and expressed his deep appre- 

The following new members were unanimously elected : 
Miss Nina Pape, Savannah, Ga., Miss Annie C Johnson, 
Savannah, Ga., S. P. Driscoll Savannah, Ga., George M. 
Weitman, Savannah, Ga., Major James A. Fort^ Jr., Amer- 
Icus, Ga., George M. Battey, Jr., Atlanta, Ga. 

At this point the Nominating Committee reported their 
recommendations for five curators to serve until 1925 as 
follows : 

Mrs, Alexander R. Lawton, Mrs. Gordon Saussy, Mr. 
Otis Ashmore, Mr. Henry R. Goetchius Judge Andrew J. 

There were no other nominations and by unanimous vote 
of the meeting the rules were suspended and the Secretary 
was authorized to cast the ballot for the election as per the 
report of the Nominating Committee. This was done and 
the President declared the ticket recommended by the Nom- 
inating Committee duly elected Curators of the Society to 
serve until 1925, or until election and qualification of their 

Mr. Alexander R. Lawton offered the following resolu- 
tion which was unanimously adopted : 

Whereas, it has now been established that Dr. Crawford 
W. Long first used ether in performing a surgical 
operation on the 30th day of March, 1842, thereby 
producing a perfect state of anaesthesia and render- 
ing the operation painless ; 
And, whereas, due credit should be given him for this 
priority In a discovery that has done so much for the 
relief of human suffering; and whereas his claim to 


such priority has been recognized by the General 
Assembly of this state, by medical associations, wri- 
ters in medical magazines, histories, and universi- 
ties, especially by the University of Georgia and 
the University of Pennsylvania, he being an alumnus 
of each of these institutions. 
Therefore be it resolved, by the Georgia Historical So- 
That Dr. Crawford W. Long has earned and deserves 
appropriate recognition by all who are interested in 
the preservation of accurate history and the fame of 
those who have added to the welfare of mankind. 
That a copy of this resolution be transmitted by the sec- 
retary to the Governor of this state and the director 
of the Hall of Fame, of New York University. 
The letters acknowledging the receipt of this resolution 
by the Governor of Georgia and the Director of the Hall 
of Fame, are published in this number of the Quarterly 

Mr. J. Florance Minis presented the Society with a rare 
stone implement found by a farmer in the Nacoochee Valley. 
Mr. Minis stated that he had the implement examined by 
various scientific institutions but that none of them could 
identify it.. The Smithsonian Institute's representative ex- 
pressed the belief that it belonged to the stone age. A 
vote of thanks was given to Mr. Minis for his generous 

The meeting then adjourned for luncheon at the DeSoto 
Hotel, and at 3 p. m., through the courtesy of Mr. Wym- 
berley DeRenne, a visit was made to the Wymberley Jones 
DeRenne Library at Wormslee. The visit was greatly en- 
joyed and there were expressions of appreciation from all 
because of the courtesy of Mr. DeRenne. 

Chas. F. Groves, 



Immediately following adjournment of the morning ses- 
sion of the eighty-third annual meeting of the Georgia 
Historical Society, this day the Curators convened. 

Present: Judge Andrew J. Cobb, Mr. Otis Ashmore, 
Dr. R. P. Brooks, Dr. P. S. Flippln, Mrs. Alexander R. 
Lawton, Mr. J. Florance Minis, Mr. William W. Gordon. 

Absent: Mr. Henry R. Goetchius, Judge Beverly D. 
Evans, Mr. Lawton Evans, Mr. Alexander C. King, Mr. 
T. M. Cunningham, Jr., Mr. A. C. Newell, Mr. Orvilie A. 
Park, Mrs. Gordon Saussy. 

Judge Andrew J. Cobb was called tO' the chair and Charles 
F. Groves was named to act as Secretary of the meeting. 

The meeting considered the suggestion made by C. Sey- 
mour Thompson, of the Savannah Public Library, for the 
loan of the Georgia Historical Society to the Public Library 
of certain books. There was some difference of opinion as 
to what disposition should be made of Mr. Thompson's 
suggestion, and upon motion of Mr. Gordon, duly seconded, 
it was resolved to ask Mr. Thompson to submit his plan in 
writing to the Board of Curators. 

The Treasurer was authorized to transfer from the Gen- 
eral Fund to the Publication Fund such sums of money as 
might be necessary to meet the expense of getting out the 
next three issues of the Quarterly. 

The Treasurer was authorized to pay the expenses of 
Dr. R. P. Brooks during the coming summer while trav- 
eling over the State for the purpose of endeavoring to se- 
cure about fifty or more sustaining members (dues $25 a 
year) . It was further resolved that the dues of sustaining 
members be credited to the Publication Fund. 

Mrs. Lawton was named as chairman of a special com- 
mittee on membership for the purpose of undertaking to se- 
cure new members through some of the well known patriotic 
organizations such as the Colonial Dames. She was given 
full power to name the members of her committee. She 


Stated that she preferred a small committee and named 
Mrs. Gordon Saussy as her assistant. . 

The next business was the consideration of the "suspended 
list" containing the names of about 264 members who have 
not paid their dues for more than two years. The Secretary 
was given authority to employ a collector on a 15% commis- 
sion basis for the purpose of approaching all those persons 
whose names appeared on the suspended list with a proposi- 
tion that such members would be left in good standing as 
members in the Society upon the payment of the current 
year's dues. Failing in collections as indicated herein, the 
Secretary was Instructed to drop the names from the rolls. 

The next order of business was the election of officers. It 
having been made known that Judge Cobb did not care to 
stand for re-election, Dr. Brooks put in nomination the name 
of Judge Beverly D. Evans, of Savannah. The nomina- 
tion was duly seconded and upon the motion being put, Judge 
Evans was unanimously elected President to serve during the 
ensuing year. The following officers were also unanimous- 
ly elected for the ensuing year : 

Senior Vice-President, J. Florance Minis, Savannah, Vice- 
President, Otis Ashmore, Savannah, Vice-President, Alex C. 
King, Atlanta, Vice-President, Lawton B. Evans, Augusta, 
Secretary-Treasurer, Charles F. Groves, Savannah, Librar- 
ian, William Harden, Savannah. 

The office of Corresponding Secretary was left vacant for 
the present. 

The Board of Editors elected follows : 

Robert Preston Brooks, University of Georgia, Ellis 
Merton Coulter, University of Georgia, Cleo Hearon, 
Agnes Scott College, Percy Scott Flippin, Mercer Univer- 
sity, Charles Seymour Thompson, Savannah Public Library^ 
Leonard L. Mackall, Savannah. 


Charles F. Groves, 



State of Georgia 

Executive Department 

April 25, 1922. 
Mr. Chas. F. Groves, Secretary, 
Georgia Historical Society, 
Savannah, Ga. 
My dear sir: 

I beg to acknowledge receipt of resolution adopted by the 
Georgia Historical Society at its eighty-third annual meet- 
ing held in Savannah, April 17, 1922. 

I thank you for your kindness in this matter. 

Yours very truly, 

Thos. W. Hardwick, 


Robert Underwood Johnson, Director. 

May 2, 1922. 
Charles F. Groves, Esq., 
Secretary of the Georgia Historical Society, 
Savannah, Ga. 
Dear Sir:- 

I beg to acknowledge receipt of your note of the 22nd of 
April, accompanying the resolution of your Society adopted 
on the 1 2th of April, concerning Dr. Crawford W. Long's 
relationship to the discovery of anaesthesia. This resolu- 
tion will be placed in the archives of the Hall of Fame in 
conjunction with other data relating to Dr. Long's services. 

Very sincerely yours, 

R. U. Johnson, 




About the year 1736, a number of Welsh families settled 
on Cat Fish Creek in what is now Marion County, South 
Carolina, the locality becoming known as the "Welsh Neck/* 
These emigrants were Baptists. Like the Puritans of Mass- 
achusetts, the Quakers of Pennsylvania, the Salsburgers 
of Georgia, they came to America in order to enjoy a greater 
measure of religious liberty, to worship God according to 
the dictates of their own consciences. They were a sturdy 
and a liberty loving folk. At the outbreak of the Revolu- 
tion, the little church on Cat Fish Creek numbered two 
hundred and twenty male members. At its close, there 
were only forty-eight, so great had been the sacrifice for 
the patriot cause. 

One of these Welsh pioneers was Nathan Evans of the 
ancient and numerous family of the name which is said to 
boast more than twenty coats of arms. He gave to the 
Continental Army a son, Captain David Evans. A grand- 
son, William Evans, became a Brigadier-General of South 
Carolina Militia. General Nathan G. Evans, a distinguished 
and gallant Confederate Brigadier, the father of Gover- 
nor John Gary Evans of South Carolina, was a great- 

Another grandson, Thomas Evans, had the unique dis- 
tinction of serving twenty consecutive years in the Senate of 
South Carolina. Thomas married Jane Beverly Daniel, 
descended from the Daniels of Virginia. Their son was 
given his mother's family name, Beverly Daniel. 

Leaving the ancestral home in Marion County, S. C, 
Beverly Daniel Evans (the first) came to Georgia in 1852, 
then a young man of twenty-six, and settled at Sandersville, 
Washington County. Two years later he was admitted to 


the Georgia Bar in Dublin. Opening an office in Sanders- 
ville, he continued in the practice of his profession for nearly 
half a century, interrupted only by the war between the 
States when for four years he wore the uniform, endured 
the hardships and won the glory of a Confederate soldier. 
He entered the service as a lieutenant of the First Georgia 
Infantry. On the reorganization of the Regiment, he raised 
a company and became its Captain. Later he was made 
Lieutenant-Colonel of the Second Regiment of State Troops. 

In the midst of war's alarms and not long before Sherman, 
on his boasted "march to the sea," left as a monument of his 
triumphant progress the charred and crumbling walls of the 
Washington County Court House, Col. Evans was united 
in marriage to Miss Sarah Smith of Sandersville, a member 
of an excellent North Carolina family, a true daughter of 
the old South, beautiful, well educated, cultured, deeply 
pious and given to hospitality. 

The war was scarcely over and the soldier had but re- 
turned to the desolated town in which he had left his bride 
when their hearts were gladdened on May 21, 1865, by the 
coming of the first born son, who was named Beverly Daniel 
for his father. 

Young Beverly grew up in the little middle Georgia town 
of Sandersville, his life being in all respects similar to that 
of other boys reared in the small towns of the South under 
the post war conditions then prevailing, but with the ines- 
timable advantage of a cultured, refined and religious home. 
His early education was obtained in the schools of his native 
town and while the advantages were no more than the aver- 
age for the time, his bright mind, retentive memory and 
remarkable application enabled him to fit himself for college 
at a very early age. He matriculated as a sophomore in 
Mercer University in 1878, and in 1881, at sixteen, he 
was graduated with the A. B. degree. A classmate. Dr. 
Jno. F. Eden, says of him : "In the class room and in college 
life generally, he was always quiet, steady loyal and gener- 


ous," thus early exhibiting those splendid traits of character, 
so noteworthy in his after life, both public and private. The 
year after his graduation his Alma Mater conferred on 
him the honorary degree of Master of Arts. 

Finishing his collegiate education, he at once began his 
preparation for the bar, entering his father's office as student 
and clerk. He completed his professional studies at Yale 
in 1884, and while his stay at the University was not of 
sufficient duration to entitle him to a diploma, his standing 
was so high that he was admitted to the Georgia Bar with- 
out examination by Judge Thos. J. Simmons, afterwards 
Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. The firm of B. D. 
Evans and Son was formed at once and continued (subse- 
quently enlarged to admit two other sons, George C, and 
A. W. Evans) until the death of the senior partner in 1897. 
This firm was one of the best known and most successful 
In that section of Georgia, enjoying a large and varied prac- 
tice In the counties composing the Middle Circuit and appear- 
ing on one side or the other of almost every important case 
In Washington Superior Court. 

Political and professional honors came to the young law- 
yer from the very beginning of his cai*eer. At twenty-one, 
he sat as the representative from the good county of Wash- 
ington In the General Assembly of Georgia, where he ac- 
quitted himself with credit and rendered excellent service to 
his constituents. He was the first Georgian born after the 
War to be given a seat in the Legislature. In 1892, he was 
a delegate to the National Democratic Convention which 
nominated Grover Cleveland for the Presidency. 

For six years, he served as Solicitor General of the 
Middle Circuit, having been elected In 1891 when he had 
just reached the minimum age required, twenty-five years. 
He discharged the duties of this Important office with con- 
spicuous fidelity and marked ability. 

From the Solicltorship, he was chosen as Judge of the 
Circuit and then truly his life's work may be said to have 


begun; for, while in the contests at the bar he was foeman 
worthy of any antagonist's steel, his talents and the bent of 
his mind were judicial rather than forensic. He loved 
justice. His mind quickly and easily saw both sides of a 
controversy and no one could weigh them more accurately 
in the delicately poised scales of justice. 

The Middle Circuit at that time was composed of seven 
counties and was one of the most populous and important 
in the State. Judge Evans rode the Circuit to the entire 
satisfaction of the bar and people. He presided with an 
easy grace and dignity which preserved the respect due the 
Court yet attracted all those who had business in the tri- 
bunals where he sat. He dispatched business rapidly but 
not hurriedly. He maintained and inculcated a respect for 
law. His decisions were fair and impartial. His charges 
clear and forceful. During his occupancy of the Circuit 
bench, he was frequently called on by his brother judges to 
preside for them in other circuits. Probably no judge in 
Georgia ever held the Superior Court in so many counties 
or did so with more acceptability to lawyers and litigants, 
jurors, and the people at large of those counties. 

While always courteous, cordial and democratic, Judge 
Evans held the judicial office in high esteem and resolved 
not to cheapen it or render it commonplace. He, therefore, 
repelled familiarity, did not frequent the corner store, hotel 
lobby or other places of general resort by the men about 
town and spent his leisure in reading and study. His read- 
ing took a wide range and at this period he acquired that 
large store of information which stood him well in hand 
in his busy and useful later career. 

Judge Evans was interested in the history of Georgia 
and the lives of her great men. While Judge of the Middle 
Circuit, he wrote a biography of Governor Jared Irvin, 
whose monument, the only one wholly erected with State 
funds, stands in the court house square in Sandersville. 
After the manuscript of this biography had been completed 


and while he was arranging for its publication, it was 
burned in a fire which destroyed his home, This proved an 
irreparable loss as its author never found time to repro- 
duce it and much of the source material also was destroyed. 
This was particularly unfortunate as no adequate life of 
this great Georgian or satisfactory history of the stirring 
times in which he lived has been written. He also wrote at 
this time an account of the notorious "Yazoo Fraud," that 
earliest and greatest stain on Georgia's name. This was 
published in a magazine, attracting considerable attention. 

But Judge Evans was not content with the bench of the 
Superior Court. He was ambitious for the highest judicial 
station. He had announced his intention of becoming a 
candidate for Justice of the Supreme Court of Georgia when 
the unexpected retirement of Mr. Justice Henry G. Turner 
afforded the opportunity for the gratification of his ambi- 
tion by appointment which was made by Governor Joseph 
M. Terrell on April i, 1904, he being the youngest Justice 
save one, Linton Stephens, who ever sat on the Supreme 
bench of Georgia. Though only thirty-eight, he was emi- 
nently qualified for the exalted station to which he had been 
appointed and which he held by successive elections until 
his resignation on August 31st, 19 17. Andrew J. Cobb, 
Presiding Justice of the Second Division of the Supreme 
Court resigning on October 12th, 1907, Justice Evans suc- 
ceeded him in this the second highest judicial office of the 
State, the Chief Justice alone holding higher rank. 

The Supreme Court, while Justice Evans was a member 
of it, was greatly overworked deciding an average of one 
thousand cases each year, a greater number than any other 
Appellate Court with an equal number of Judges in the 
entire Union. Justice Evans did his full share of this ar- 
duous and most important work, writing more than two 
thousand opinions and participating in the decision of many 
thousands of other cases appearing in the 119th to 147th 
Georgia Reports. His opinions, though of necessity hastily 


prepared without sufficient time or opportunity for that 
mature consideration, study and investigation so necessary 
for work of that character, most of them delivered with 
but little revision, are yet remarkable judicial utterances; 
logical, forceful, lucid, and convincing; couched in pure 
English; written in an easy, pleasing style and well sup- 
ported by authority. They easily take rank among the best 
of those handed down by any of the great judges who have 
shed luster upon the Georgia Court. 

Judge Andrew J. Cobb, his predecessor as Presiding 
Justice, says of his opinions: "One reads after him with 
profit and is impressed with the accuracy of his legal instinct, 
the honesty of his mind and the lucid expression of his 
thought." His succesor. Presiding Justice Marcus W. Beck, 
who was a member of the Court during almost the entire 
period of Judge Evans' incumbency, gives this picture of him 
as an Appellate Judge: "He worked with great facility. 
Few Judges grasped the question presented by a record more 
quickly or more thoroughly, and laying hold firmly upon 
the questions at issue, he generally made an admirable pre- 
sentation of them in the statement of facts which preceded 
his opinion. In practically all of the official statements in 
his cases, he made the statement exactly as it appears in 
the Georgia Reports, and he usually wrote it out in long 
hand. He wrote a great majority of his opinions in long 
hand. Of course, this method of writing out his statements 
of facts and his opinions entailed a burden upon him but he 
did not shirk It but voluntarily undertook it for the sake of 
additional clearness and directness both in the statement of 
facts and the exprsesion of his views on the questions of law 
involved. The facility and ease with which he worked is 
accounted for partly by the fact of his having a splendid 
memory. He remembered well and accurately, not only 
the rulings but the reasoning in nearly all our Georgia cases 
of any importance. He went further; he remembered the 
names of the parties to the case, the Judge who wrote the 


Opinion and in the more important cases, the volume in 
which they were published. In a minutes time, he could 
turn to almost any case in the Georgia Reports which it was 
desirable to consult. Another trait of his judicial character 
was his readiness to recede from the conclusion that he had 
reached, whenever by reason or upon authority he was con-. 
vinced that his conclusions were unsound. Few judges, con- 
sidering the time that he had to devote to his opinions, were 
more careful or painstaking in searching out, weighing and 
considering the reasons and authorities pertinent to the 
issues in hand and which should incline the investigator after 
truth to one conclusion or another. He brought to this ex- 
amination great diligence and sound judgment but after all 
this painstaking and toil expended in reaching the conclusion 
and the preparation of his opinion, he had no such pride in 
that opinion as would cause him to adhere to it for a moment 
after he was shown that it was not sound.'' 

The exacting duties of his position left but little time for 
anything save his judicial work, but while living in Atlanta 
as a member of the Supreme Court, Judge Evans and a few 
other choice spirits organized the "Ten Club" (the member- 
ship at first being limited to ten) each member of which was 
expected once each year to prepare a paper to be read at the 
monthly meetings which was to form the topic for discus- 
sion at the meeting. His papers prepared for this club, 
several of which have been published, were of the highest 
order, showing his broad culture, wide reading and excellent 
literary style. 

Next to his judicial work, and nearer to his heart even 
than that, his class of boys in the Sunday School of the 
Second Baptist Church, Atlanta, occupied his time and 
thought. He was most assiduous in his endeavor to build up 
this class, and he sought material upon the high-ways and 
in the hedges. Many a ragged urchin became a member 
of this class and attended it regularly. The class grew to 
more than fifty. Many of the boys would sell newspapers 


on the street up to the Sunday School hour and then report 
at the class. His Interest in the members of this class never 
failed. He gripped them strongly. Many became members 
of the Church and have grown to be useful citizens. He 
was a deacon of the Second Baptist Church and Identified 
with all its work. 

Having been tendered by President Wilson the appoint- 
ment as Judge of the United States District Court for the 
Southern District of Georgia, Judge Evans resigned as 
Presiding Justice of the Supreme Court on August 31, 
19 17. The following day he took the oath and assumed the 
office of a Federal Judge. His judicial residence was fixed 
at Savannah to which city he very soon removed. For this 
new office to which he was appointed, he was pre-eminently 
well furnished. He had been a successful lawyer; a vigor- 
ous, fearless but just prosecuting officer; a well poised, im- 
partial Circuit Judge ; and his service on the Supreme bench 
had given him a learning In the law, a familiarity with prece- 
dents, a power of analysis, and a facility of expression rarely 

At the time of his appointment, the country was in the 
midst of the Great War and the courts of the Union were 
called upon to render most important service to the govern- 
ment in the enforcement of the numerous laws designed to 
protect the country from enemies within and to enable it 
to mobilize its resources of men and material to meet the 
enemy across the seas. Judge Evans threw himself whole- 
heartedly and without reservation Into this work, upholding 
the hands of the government in every way befitting his station 
and availing himself of every opportunity both as a Judge 
and as a private citizen to serve and to inculcate those prin- 
ciples of patriotism and love of country which ever actu- 
ated him. 

Not only did he give to the country's service the best that 
was In him but he gave also a well beloved son, Beverly D. 
Evans, Jr., First Lieutenant of Company D, 20th Machine 


Gun Batallion attached to the 13th Brigade, Seventh Divi- 
sion. In that terrible struggle for the possession of the 
Argonne Forest, this noble youth poured out his life for 
his country. The wound to the father's heart was well 
nigh mortal. He went about his accustomed tasks, dis- 
charging with fidelity every duty devolving upon him, but 
those who were nearest him knew the suffering of his heart 
and that the light had gone out of his life. 

The vast increase in the volume of business in the Federal 
Courts in recent years and the extension of Federal jurisdic- 
tion over a multitude of subjects hitherto exclusively within 
the cognizance of the State tribunals made the work of a 
Federal Judge increasingly important and increasingly on- 
erous. The Southern District of Georgia is one of the 
largest and most important districts in the country. The 
amount of business transacted in the courts of its ^ve divi- 
sions is even greater than its size and importance would in- 
dicate. When Judge Evans was first appointed, he shared 
the work and the responsibility of the district with Judge 
Emory Speer and there was enough for both judges to do. 
But on the death of Judge Speer in December, 19 18, the 
entire work and the full responsibility for the district fell 
on Judge Evans. In an endeavor to clear the crowded 
dockets of the several divisions. Judge Evans held Court 
almost every day during practically his entire incumbency on 
the Federal Bench, frequently holding both morning and 
afternoon sessions and often attending to business in his 
chambers at the noon hour and in the evening. In addition 
to the work of his own district, he was designated to pre- 
side in the Circuit Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit 
and in a number of important cases in the Northern District 
of Georgia. Many notable cases of the greatest importance 
came before him for decision and he was rapidly making for 
himself a reputation as a Federal Judge such as he had been 
privileged to enjoy as a member of the judiciary of the State. 

But while there came before him interesting and great 


cases requiring the highest and best of his judicial powers, 
far too much of his time was devoted of necessity to the trial 
of petty criminal cases, arising under the National Prohibi- 
tion Act and a number of other recent penal statutes of 
Congress. To a well seasoned and eminently capable Tud8:e, 
qualified for the highest judicial service, the time spent in 
the trial of these petty cases could not but be irksome. And 
the consciousness weighed on him that no matter how much 
of his valuable time he should devote to this service the 
dockets of his Courts were constantly being more and more 
congested, for these cases arose in greater number than 
could be disposed of by the most tireless and continued effort 
of any one Judge. He felt that he was capable of rendering 
his country a higher service than was required of him in 
the trial of these cases, and at the time of his death, he had 
in course of preparation an address which he proposed to 
deliver at the then approaching session of the Georgia Bar 
Association, in which he expected to urge the necessity for 
some relief for the Federal Courts from the flood of minor 
criminal cases with which they are now overwhelmed. His 
devotion to his official work; his unremitting toil in the effort 
to dispatch the volume of business constantly accumulating 
throughout the District; his sacrifice of himself and of 
almost all rest and recreation, unquestionably hastened his 
untimely death. Indeed, it may be said with truth that he 
gave his life in the service of his country, a martyr to duty. 
As was the case during his residence in Atlanta as a mem- 
ber of the Supreme Court, so while living in Savannah, his 
official duties demanded almost all his time, leaving him 
but little opportunity to take his rightful place in the social 
and public life of the city which would so readily have been 
accorded him if he had been privileged to accept it. Here, 
again, we find him enjoying the companionship of a number 
of the leading men of the city in the Cosmos Club, whose 
social and literary meetings were to him a constant delight. 
Again, we find him active in the work of his Church. Shortly 


after removing to Savannah, he was elected a deacon of the 
First Baptist Church and teacher of the Baraca Class in its 
Sunday School. When he took charge of it, this class num- 
bered twenty-seven. At the time of his death, it had grown 
to nearly three hundred. Probably the best work which he 
did was for this class, and it is certain, from his own state- 
ment, that he prized the opportunity afforded by the class 
as he did no other. No matter where his official duty might 
call him during the week, he always arranged to be with the 
class each Sunday morning. The last work that he did was 
to address this class. It was in the midst of a term of Court 
in Macon. As was his custom, he returned to Savannah to 
spend the Sabbath with his class and his family. He ex- 
pected to re-open the Court in Macon on Monday morning, 
having before him a very heavy docket. He delivered one 
of his splendid addresses to this class in the morning, sat in 
his accustomed pew at the preaching; service and in the after- 
noon was stricken and died a few moments afterward. The 
active pall bearers were members of this class and the class 
attended the funeral in a body. 

Judge Evans was always interested in education. While 
a member of the Supreme Court, he served for a short time 
as a trustee of Bessie Tift College, at Forsyth, Georgia, 
and after he became United States District Judge, he was 
elected a trustee of Mercer University. He felt compelled 
to resign both positions on account of the press of his official 
duties. He was also interested in the history of his country 
and particularly of his State. Shortly after he moved to 
Savannah, he became a Curator of the Georgia Historical 
Society. He took an active part in the steps leading up to 
the consolidation of the Society with the Georgia Historical 
Association. When it became necessary for the Society in 
order to bring about this consolidation to resign as the 
trustee of the Telfair Academy of Arts and Sciences, he 
became one of the first members of the Academy. At the 
annual meeting of the Society held in Savannah less than a 


month before his death, he was elected Its President, again 
succeeding his old friend and former associate on the 
Supreme Court, Judge Andrew J. Cobb. The last two num- 
bers of the Quarterly contain articles from his pen ; one on 
"The Evolution of Jurisprudence" the other on "The Code 

Of the Intimate private and family life of Judge Evans, 
It would not be seemly now to speak. His departure has 
been too recent. The grief occasioned by his sudden taking 
away is still too poignant. That he measured up to the high- 
est ideal as a husband and father and was faithful In the 
discharge of every private as of every public duty scarcely 
needs be said. He was twice married; first to Miss Bessie 
Warthen of the well-known Washington County family of 
that name, and second, to Miss Jennie Irvin of ShortervUle, 
Alabama, a grand niece of Governor Jared Irvin, who sur- 
vives him. He left four sons, Thomas Warthen, an attorney 
of Dublin Georgia; Julian Richard, a merchant of Sanders- 
vlUe, Georgia; Reese N., a student In the University of 
Georgia, and Irvin Lumpkin, a lad of twelve years of age. 

On the 8th day of May, 1922 in the prime of life and in 
the active discharge of duty, he died at his home in Savan- 
nah, and on the loth, his mortal remains were laid away in 
the family lot in the cemetery at SandersvIUe beside those 
of his soldier son, who after sleeping for a short time In the 
soil of France, had been brought back to finally rest near 
the dust of his ancestors. Many were the tributes to his life 
and character from those who knew and loved him In every 
walk of life. In reading these tributes, one is impressed with 
the fact that the man was greater than his work his character 
than his splendid achievements. While referring to his 
greatness as a lawyer and his eminence as a jurist, far 
greater emphasis Is placed on his "faithfulness," his "sin- 
cerity," his "courage, truth and love," his "spirituality, 
thoughtfulness and loyalty to principle," his "kindness to 
those who needed kindness, his love for his fellowmen, his 


great patience in dealing with the faults of others," his 
^'courtesy and magnanimity of spirit." He was indeed ''the 
soul of honor," "an ideal citizen," "a Christian gentleman." 

Possibly no finer word has been spoken of him than by his 
former pastor. Dr. Henry Alford Porter of the Second Bap- 
tist Church of Atlanta, who said : 

"We loved him, for he had a genius for friendship. 
There was in him a blending of friendliness and reserve. 
Most men thought him reserved and self-contained. They 
were right. But no one came near to him without finding 
a friendliness that was all the richer for the reserve that 
protected it. If I might reach out into all the vocabulary 
of human speech and gather up a single word for Judge 
Evans' memory it would be the stately word, "Friend" . . 
no other were so nearly his biography. 

"He was a friend of boys, and gathered around him a 
great class in the Sunday School. These boys, with their in- 
tuitive insight, were charmed by him and adored him. 

"We loved him for his gift of sympathy. From his eyes 
the tears readily fell. He was big in brotherhood. Kind- 
ness and grace beamed in his face and lighted up his life. 

"We loved him for his transparent, childlike character. 
So true was he and so surely genuine that men who differed 
and mistrusted each other were alike in trusting him. 

"We loved him for his passion for righteousness and jus- 
tice and for his courage in standing for his convictions. He 
was, with all his tenderness and gentleness, a fighter, a 
fighter against unrighteousness and darkness — heroic, chiv- 
alrous, like some knight of old." 

Well did Woodrow Wilson say: "In the death of Judge 
Beverly D. Evans the country loses an upright and able 



Beverly Daniel Evans — Born May 21, 1865. — Died 
May 8, 1922. 

A life far less than the allotted period and yet full of that 
which v^as good and in it nothing that could be described as 
undesirable. A college graduate at sixteen, licensed attorney 
at nineteen, legislator at twenty-one, solicitor-general at 
twenty-five, judge of the Superior Court at thirty-four, jus- 
tice of the Supreme Court at thirty-eight. Federal judge at 
fifty-two. Such was his record of service in public official 
capacity. Born just as the echoes of the struggle of arms 
were dying away, he was the first person born in Georgia 
after the Civil War to hold the different offices just enumer- 
ated. Imbued with the traditions of the past, he carried 
into the era in which he lived the high purposes of the past. 

He was a graduate of Mercer University and received 
his training in the law at Yale University. Endowed by 
nature with a strong mind inheriting a sense of loyalty, edu- 
cated under conditions which produced honesty of thought, 
steadfastness of conviction, and courage of expression, he 
made a reputation in every line of activity in which he en- 

He was a lawyer and a judge of ability but he was not 
a mere lawyer and judge. All matters of public concern 
challenged his attention. When propriety permitted he 
participated in public affairs, political, legal and social. His 
activities in the work of the Georgia Bar Association, the 
Georgia Historical Society and similar agencies are well 
known. That which made for the highest ideals in citizen- 
ship always appealed to him. His active participation in 
public affairs did not divert him from the higher duties of 


life. He was a worker in religious affairs, a conspicuous 
figure in the local Baptist Church wherever his work carried 
him, ever manifesting a lively interest in the work of his 

If I were asked to sum up his life in one word, I would 
select as that word, faithfulness. He was faithful in every 
sphere, in private life and public station. His career illus- 
trates how much of service may be compressed into a com- 
paratively short life. 

In his life we see that which is calculated to stimulate the 
young with life before them, and encourage the old to make 
the most of what still remains to them. 


Edited by 
R. P. BROOKS, Ph. D. 
Univ€>rsity of Georgia 


Ex. Chamber, Milledgeville, Ga., 
Jan. lo, 1854. 
My dear Sir: 

I thank you for your last letter. You need not fear that 
I misunderstood the object of your first letter in reference 
to Rutherford. I understood and appreciated it. 

My appointments as far as I can learn have given as 
much general satisfaction as I could have expected. Dis- 
appointed applicants and their friends are more or less sore. 
But time will heal these wounds especially if the final result 
shall show that the appointments are judicious. You need 
not fear that I will attach undue importance to disappointed 
applicants. True, I hate as much as anybody to wound 
friends, but I think I have the nerve to meet responsibility 
when it is necessary. 

It is rumored here that Gov. McDonald^ intends formally 
to withdraw his aspirations for senatorial robes. What 
will be the effect do you think? It will be an important de- 
velopment. You should be apprised of it and shape mat- 
ters as you would have them, if you can. 

I have read Douglass's report on the Territory of Ne- 
braska. He takes the true ground I think, i. e., argues 

1 The first installment of the Cobb papers appeared in Vol. V. No. 1 

2 Herschel V. Johnson, U. S. Senator, 1848-1849 ; Judge of the Supreme Court, 
1849-1853 ; Governor of Georgia, 1853-1857 ; Confederate States Senator ; he was 
a Southern Rights Democrat on the issues of 1850-1851, but Cobb supported him 
for Governor ; Candidate for the Vice-Presidency on the Douglas ticket, 1860. 

3 Charles J. McDonald, Governor of Georgia, 1839-1843. Defeated as Southern 
Rights Candidate for Governor, 1851 by Cobb. Associate Justice Supreme Court 
of Georgia, 1856-1861. 


that the compromise of 1850 covers all the questions that 
can be raised touching the Interest of slavery. I mean I 
have read a part of the report, all that bears on this ques- 
tion. If his report shall be sustained by Congress, we may 
hope for a future of quiet and repose. It will moreover 
plant the Admr. and the National Dem. firmly in the ascend- 

Have you any news of Interesting developments at Wash- 
ington? Do you think Davis will be elected U. S. Senator? 
In that event will Pierce probably call Gov. McD[onald] 
to the Cabinet? 

I had a letter from Judge Lumpkin a day or two ago — 
expresses himself well pleased with my appointments. 


Rome, Ga., Jan. 18, 1854 
Dear Cobb: 

I was with McDonald^ a good deal while he 

was here, and he was in fine health and In most excellent 
spirits. In fact I have never seen him when he v/as on bet- 
ter terms with himself and with most of the world. He 
has not much fancy for our friend Col. Underwood and I 
think he has not a great deal of respect for Dr. Singleton. 
I had no conversation with him In regard to the position 
of United States Senator, nor did he give me any Intimation 
that he expected to go into Mr. Pierce's cabinet. But Wil- 
liam Fort of this place a nephew of Dr. Fort, and who is 
the Intimate friend and supporter of Gov. McDonald, in- 
forms me that Jefferson Davis Is in correspondence with 
McDonald, and that McDonald informed him confiden- 
tially that he would go to Milledgeville immediately this 
week, and if he could control some three or four of his 
friends and induce them to go into your support for United 

1 Charles J, McDonald. 


States Senator, that he would then tender back to the party 
the nomination and go in publicly for your election, and if 
this was successful, he had no doubt of your election to the 
United States Senate^ and that he would be appointed Secre- 
tary of War in the place of Jefferson Davis v/ho would also 
go into the Senate from the State of Mississippi. He fur- 
ther informed me that Brown was an applicant for the Sen- 
ate from Mississippi, and that this difficulty would have to 
be accommodated, by providing for Brown in some other 
way. I feel confident that this arrangement will be car- 
ried out. And if so' the party in Georgia will be once more 
thoroughly united and cemented. 


Washington, February i6, 1854. 
Dear Cobb: 

Well here we are in the midst of the slavery excitement 
again, the finality of the Compromise to the contrary not- 
withstanding. The Nebraska bill and the repeal of the 
Missouri Compromise being the question upon which all 
has been gotten up. A most impolitic and mad movement 
for the South, no practical good can come of it because there 
is none in it. Calm, peace and repose is what the South — 
the country, most need. I do not know who has been the 
adviser. Certainly the Southern men were not generally 
consulted, nor were the Northern men if I am advised 

It has been concocted by politicians, for political and per- 
sonal purposes. I do not know a Southern man who would 

1 The election of a U. S. Senator occurred on January 23, 854. The Whig 
incumbent, Dawson, was a candidate for re-election and received the solid support 
of the Whigs. The Democrats, of whom the great majority were of the Southern 
Rights wing of the party, controlled the legislature. The Union Democrats voted 
for Cobb, but he never received more than a small minority of the votes cast. Al- 
fred Iverson, of Columbus, an extreme Southern Rights Democrat, was finally 
elected. McDonald was also a candidate and in the early ballots received the votes 
of a majority of the Democrats. He was finally dropped in favor of Iverson. 

2 Geonge Washington Jones, Congressman from Tennessee, 1843-1853 ; 1855- 


have advised the movement, if he had been consulted before- 
hand. Some of the best and most discreet are of opinion, 
privately, that the movement is madness and must result 
injuriously to the South. But it is upon them. On the 
other hand our best and most reliable friends from the 
North, are shivering, and some who will come square up 
to the work, when called upon to vote will do so with the 
conviction upon their minds, that the act will work their 
political destruction. That it will be a self sacrifice for the 
sake of the party. They say one strong argument, if not 
the principal one which prevailed, in inducing Northern men 
to acquiesce in the compromise, was that it was a finality, 
that all was now settled. The abolitionists and free soilers 
said, no — that the demands and exactions of the slave-holder 
were never appeased nor satisfied. That some new demand 
would be made, and continue to be made, and too soon has 
the verification come, they now exultingly say, I or we told 
5^ou so. Chase, Giddings, & Co., are delighted with the 
prospects before us. They fight hard against the repeal, 
but in their hearts, I verily believe they desire the repeal. 
It will put into their mouths the charge against the South of 
bad faith. What possible good can result to the South 
from this renewed agitation? 

Cobb, what is called the Democratic party is this day in 
a worse condition than either of us ever saw it before. With- 
out any recognized head, no bond of Union to bind it to- 
gether and no issue with its adversary as formerly, it is 
blundering along, under an administration which does not 
possess the confidence and cordial good will of a tithe of the 
party. I fear the administration cannot get through re- 
spectably — that it will let down is the opinion of some of our 
best friends. Gen. Pierce is treating the true and the tried 
of the party as his mere vassals, who as a matter of duty 
would support him or be read out as renegades — and tak- 
ing his Counsellors, Cabinet advisers from the two extremes 


of fire-eaters and freesollers, and a quite recently proselyted 
Whig, and in addition bestowing his patronage upon persons 
of the same sort almost exclusively, has cooled the ardor 
and personal regard for him of a host of the best men who 
were most cordial and sincere in his support in 1852. I 
fear we have been mistaken in the man, in his capacity, in 
his executive administrative talent. I fear he is not equal 
to the tasks imposed upon him. In farmer phrase that he is 
over craped and with all that he is rather too much of a 
Yankee. I fear that we are in for it. That would perhaps 
not be so bad, if it was not for the prospect of a complete 
rout of the Democratic party. From appearances and de- 
velopments thus far this bids fair to outstrip all former ad- 
ministrations in large appropriations and extravagant ex- 
penditures. And the Democrats at the close of Gen. Pierce's 
four years will be forever estopped from commending the 
Democratic party for its economy, to the support of the 
people as well as from charging upon the Whigs extrav- 
agance. Perhaps I am a little too gloomy and desponding. 
I hope so, and that all will yet be well. 
Write and let me know your news. 


Washington, D. C, Aug. i, 1854. 
Dear Cobb : 

.... The Governor has been backing down on Cuba, 
but the late news from Spain looks favorable to great 
changes there, which they think here will aid our objects 
on Cuba. Pierce vaccilates — we have the old river and har- 
bour bill before us. It will pass I think but Pierce assures 
us he will veto. We have had a warm debate on it for the 
last two days when I had to "fight all around the ring" 
against it. 

lU. S. Senator 1851-1861. 



Dec. 10, 1854. 
Agreeable to yours and Mrs. Cobb's request I know rite 
you a few lines about the crop and helth of this place at this 
time. We are all in tolerable helth. the crop turned out 
some better than I expected. We hav a plenty of meat for 
another year and corn enought, the present crop of cotton is 
also better than I thought it would be. I hav sent off 168 
bags, the crop will be between 200 and 210 bales. I shall 
be able to turn over to the next overseer a fine stock of hogs 
for another year, and a good stock of cattle, but rather a 
sorry stock of mules, owing to a good potion of them being 
verry old though having a plenty to feed on. I think he can 
make out verry well. 


Hornby Castle 
Yorkshire, England, Jan. 3, 1855 
My dear Sir: 

You will be astonished at the place from which this letter 
is dated. It is the castle of the Duke of Leeds where with 
my niece I have been passing a few of the holidays, after 
a long and laborious time in London. 

In answer to your favor of the 5 th. ultimo, I can truly 
say that I have no friend in America more worthy of my 
entire confidence, or on whom it would be more freely be- 
stowed than yourself. In truth, however, the subject of 
your letter demands no confidence. From the period of the 
last Presidential election I have uniformly declared to all 
inquiring friends that I would not again be a candidate for 
the Presidency; & from this I cannot depart. I have al- 
ways thought it was a m^elancholy spectacle to see old men 
struggling on the political arena for honors & offices, as 

1 Collins was an overseer on one of Mrs. Cobb's plantations 


though this world was to be their everlasting abode. I de- 
sire, should kind Heaven prolong my days, to pass the rem- 
nant of them in the tranquility & retirement of a private 
citizen. I shall be sixty-four years of age, should I live 
until the 23rd. of next April, & at the end of the next 
Presidential term will have nearly completed my three score 
& ten. The people of the United States, unless under most 
extraordinary circumstances, should never elect a man of 
such an age their President. 

In forming this resolution, I was not influenced, in the 
slightest degree by previous disappointment. On the con- 
trary I feel conscious that I have enjoyed more than 
my share of public honors & offices. I shall ever feel the 
deepest interest In the success of the Democratic party & 
as a private citizen shall give both Its measures & Its men 
a decided support. It will surely rise again from its recent 
defeat & Anteus-like will rise from the earth with greater 
strength than it had before Its fall. There are several 
younger men In the United States quite as well qualified as 
myself to discharge the duties of the Presidential office, 
among the more prominent of whom, without flattery, I 
would class yourself; & nothing but the partiality of friend- 
ship could point to me as capable of commanding a larger 
electoral vote than some of them. It is true that as a great 
portion of my life has been devoted to the maintenance of 
the Constitutional rights of the South, I may be popular in 
that region ; but for this very reason I should lose votes in 
the North. 

I have never liked my present situation & accepted it with 
very great reluctance. I shall remain, according to my 
agreement with the President during the term of two years 
which will expire at the latter end of August next & will 
not probably return until October. Though not very hap- 
py, I am content with my condition & endeavor to make the 
best of it. 

The British people, although somewhat jealous of our 


rapid advance, especially in commerce & manufactures & 
feeling an undefined apprehension of our rapidly increasing 
power & numbers, yet indulge in self gratulation that they 
have given birth to such a nation as ours. They enjoy a 
free press & free speech, & life, liberty & property are 
perfectly secure under their system. The present war 
against Russia is emphatically a war of the British people 
into which the Government entered most reluctantly. They 
consider it a war of freedom against despotism, whether 
rightly or wrongly, & are, therefore, quite indignant that 
their ^'Cousins on the other side of the Atlantic" should 
appear to sympathize with the Czar. The unnecessary & 
very severe articles against them in the Washington Union, 
whilst seriously interfering with my negotiations, cannot 
it seems to me do any possible good. It is considered the 
Presidential organ; & for this reason ought to feel itself 
under a wise restraint in regard to the language if not the 
matter which it employs against foreign Governments. 
That of England is bad enough, but when compared or 
rather contrasted with the Government of the Continent, 
it is rather to be admired than condemned. The English 
Liberals in Parliament with several of whose leaders I am 
intimately acquainted are sincerely attached to us & view our 
institutions with admiration. Whilst steady in their efforts 
to extend the suffrage & remove abuses, they do not believe 
that a Republic would be suited to England. 

The public speaking in Parliament, is not, in my opinion, 
equal to that in Congress. 


Augusta, Ga., June 12, 1855. 
Dear Cobb: 

Your brother tells me that you requested him to see A. 
H. Stephens, ascertain his precise views and position in the 
present canvass, and write you; and as I had a full conver- 


satlon with Stephens and he did not, he has requested me 
to answer your inquiries. 

I talked freely and fully with Stephens last Sunday. 
Others were in the room which prevented my putting direct 
questions to him of a character which would when answered, 
as I know he would answer confidentially, have placed him 
fully in line with us. But he said enough to convince me 
thoroughly that he is with us heart and soul not for the cam- 
paign only, but for the war. In the canvass next year he 
will be one of us and a part of us, to all intents and purposes 
a Democrat.^ He says our platform was greatly better 
than he expected of us^ — he finds no fault with it barring 
its laudation of democratic principles and measures, which 
grates a little on his old Whig sensibilities. Even the en- 
dorsement of Gtn. Pierce's administration he fully concurs 
in, as it leaves the Reeder'^ imbroglio untouched. He says 
he will give to the position of the Convention on the slavery 
question his cordial support, and will make no assault on 
either the state or federal administration. He cannot from 
personal considerations vote for Johnson,^ but if we had 
nominated any other man of our party he would have voted 
for him and rallied every man in the state he could influence 
to his support. 

You can safely, judiciously, and with the utmost propriety 
invite Stephens into your district. He wants Johnson elect- 
ed, and says that if he could go in by 30,000 majority it 
would have a grand moral effect. He has no sympathy with 
the Columbus movement, discountenanced it when at Co- 
lumbus, and refused his co-operation. He regrets how- 
ever our program of an adjourned Convention and [that] 
another nominee could not have been called out. We would 
he thinks, have secured many thousand votes for us that 
Johnson cannot possibly get. 

1 Stephens and Toombs entered the Democratic party in 1855. The bulk of 
the Whigs went into the Know-Nothing Party. 

2 Andrew H. Reeder, appointed by President Pierce as territorial governor of 
Kansas in 1854. 

3 H. V. Johnson, then candidate for re-election as Governor of Georgia. 


(What a pity Johnson was so selfish, and for his future 
popularity so shortsighted.) 

Stephens did not get my letter till Monday, 4th inst. He 
would have answered it, but none of the Taliferro delegation 
went to Milledgeville. He meant to send his answer by 
one of them. 

I think Andrew J. Miller, from what he told m.e in Ste- 
phen's presence, will take position with him and us. 


Marietta, Ga., July 24, 1855. 
Dear Sir: 

I left Dahlonega yesterday morning. The Know-noth- 
ings were just preparing to start to the Gainsville conven- 
tion. One of their plans to secure your defeat I understand 
from several of them is whilst at that convention to take 
up a collection to defray the expenses of traveling agents, 
or missionaries throughout your district. The amount I 
understood they wanted for that purpose is live thousand 
dollars. It is very desirous on the part of your friends in 
Lumpkin that you be certain to be at the General Musters 
throughout that Brigade, and if possible bring Mr. Stephens 
with you to as many of the musters as he can possibly attend, 
but especially have him to make a speech at Dahlonega. I 
think a speech from our friend Ellick^ would have a good ef- 
fect in Lumpkin County. The Know-nothings, as you 
doubtless are aware are plentiful in Lum.pkin and Forsyth 
counties, much more so I hope than elsewhere in your dis- 
trict. It will be well for you to give special attention to 
these two counties, though I can't think you are in any dan- 

1 i. e., Alex H. Stephens. 

2 Cobb was elected to Congress in November, receiving 9,203 votes against 
5,277 for his Know-nothing opponent. 



Washington, D. C, Dec. 19th, 1855. 
My dear Wife: 

.... We are still without a speaker, and perhaps 
no nearer to it than at the start. At least I see no evidence 
of an early solution of the difficulty. For the last two days 
we have had a good deal of speaking, which may perhaps 
hasten the organization. At this moment we are now vot- 
ing the sixty-iifth time and no appearance of an election. 
In 1849 I was elected on the sixty-third vote and on the 
third Saturday of the session. So you see we have had more 
votes taken but not so many days consumed. The reason 
of this is there has been less speaking. As yet there has 
been no excitement and until we have a storm, I think we 
will have no election. My own opinion is that Banks will ul- 
timately be elected, though they will have to adopt the plu- 
rality rule to effect it, unless the debate drives the pretended 
national Know-nothings of the North to the support of 
Banks. The truth is that those of us here know and see as 
little through the mist as those at a distance, and therefore, 
you will have to wait patiently for the final announcement 
of the result through the telegraph & the newspapers. . . . 

The Washington Correspondent to The New York Herald^ 

Washington, Dec, 22, 1855. 
The Speech of Howell Cobb, on Friday, was designed 
wholly for party purposes, and to keep steady those mem- 
bers who have thus far given their votes for Mr. Richard- 
son. There were apprehensions entertained before the 
meeting of the House on Friday that the Democratic vote 
would be divided after the first ballot, and thrown for some 
new man. The name of Cobb was mentioned in connection 
with the subject, which he hearing, induced him to lead off 

1 In the issue of December 25, 1855. 


in a speech of great partlzan strength, which, in all prob- 
ability, will have the effect to continue things as they are. 
Mr. Cobb has been earnestly appealed to by many members 
for privilege to use his name, alleging as a reason for the 
request that he could be elected Speaker, and that there 
were no hopes whatever for Richardson. Their reason- 
ing was perfectly sound, and the object attainable; but no 
impression can be made on Cobb to induce his becoming a 
candidate for the Speakership. Should Banks be elected, 
Mr. Cobb will have the satisfaction of knowing that he 
possibly might have prevented so sad a result, and one that 
would be regretted by every loyal American. There are 
those belonging to the Democratic party who think that Mr. 
Cobb can render greater services by being on the floor, and 
taking the lead in important questions, as they may arise. 
This consideration evidently governs Mr. Cobb's actions 
at this moment, and hence the country must be prepared to 
regard him as the leader and oracle of the Congressional 
Democratic party. 

The Washington Correspondent to The Daily PennsyU 


Washington, D. C, Dec. 22, 1855. 

The mail that carries this will bear to you also a copy of 
the Union, containing a report of the speech made in the 
House of Representatives on Friday last, by Howell Cobb. 
As delivered it was a great speech, in the fullest sense of the 
term. I have not read the report fully, and therefore can- 
not say how faithfully it is rendered; but, even if every word 
is there precisely in the order in which it was uttered, it must 
still fail to convey to the reader an adequate idea of its ex- 
cellence, and fail especially to account for the powerful ef- 
fect the speech had upon the House. It requires that you 
should have been present, to understand this. The most 

In the issue of December 25, 1855. 


skillful reporter cannot transfer to paper the grand, fervid 
and impressive manner of the orator — the telling emphasis 
— ^the significant gesture — the clarion voice — the attending 
circumstances, and the other adjuncts of the subject and the 
occasion; and yet these, as well as the lucid exposition and 
the unanswerable argument, from the iron logic of which 
there is no escape, are necessary to a full appreciation of 
the force of this great effort. To give you, and if you 
think it desirable, the readers, of the Pennsylvanian also, 
a few notes of explanation on this subject, is my present pur- 

For the greater part of two days, a Southern Know-noth- 
ing had had the floor. He, as well as others of his party, had 
affected to hold the Democratic organization — ^brave in pur- 
pose but few in numbers, responsible for the condition of af- 
fairs in the House, "because the resolutions of the Dem- 
ocratic caucus, interpose barriers against all approaches by 
the Know-nothings from the South.*' This had been ar- 
gued so incessantly, and by a few of the abler men of the 
National "American" party with such plausibility, as to in- 
duce a feeling of satisfaction, if not of triumph, amongst 
the adherents of that cause. It was to expose this pretext, 
and further to assert the true dignity of the Democratic po- 
sition, that Governor Cobb took the floor. To read his 
speech aright, these two purposes must be kept all the time 
in mind. You will perceive how fully and completely he es- 
tablished the fact, that the barriers were erected by the 
Know-nothings themselves, and that it is the result of their 
work that Georgia and the entire South do not speak upon 
the floor of the House, in one voice. 

In developing his argument on this point, he took occasion 
to tear away the mask behind which "National" Know- 
nothingism seeks to hide its most repulsive features. He 
did not, and would not, discuss the vague and vapid general- 
ities of the Philadelphia platform, on the subject of civil and 
religious freedom, but he would discuss here, as he did at 
home, the principles contained in their tests and oaths. As 


you will observe, he did not enlarge his argument here, nor 
amplify it at all. It was not required, for there was a whole 
volume of argument in his simple discrimination, between 
their published principles and their OATHS. He rang out 
this word OATHS with power and a significance that no 
mere printed words can possibly express. 

The second great purpose of Mr. Cobb was as forcibly 
and clearly effected as the first. It was to establish this great 
truth, that a Democrat, and especially a citizen of the South, 
who resists the assaults made upon the Constitutional rights 
of the States, can form no honorable alliance with those who 
are striking at the Constitutional rights of the citizen — 
Catholic and foreign-born. In the maintenance of this prin- 
cipal consists the true dignity of the position of the Demo- 
cratic members of the House. 

Having disposed of the two propositions to which I have 
alluded, Mr. Cobb concluded the principal part of his speech, 
with an eloquent refusal to abandon the Democratic organi- 
zation, for a mere temporary sucess; and should I live a 
thousand years, I think I could never forget the impressive 
fervor of voice and manner with which these words were 
spoken : 

*'Waive the Democratic organization?" said he. "To- 
day, though reduced in numbers on this floor, that party 
occupies before the country a prouder position than it ever 
did before. My southern friends, do you ask me to aban- 
don the Democratic organization in the hour in which 
purged of the last Free-Soil sentiment that disturbed its 
harmony and destroyed its power and usefulness, it is en- 
tering a new career of triumph of Democratic and Consti- 
tutional freedom ? I cannot respond to your request. Be- 
lieving, as I do in my honest judgment, that the best interests 
of this country, if not its very existence, depends on the pres- 
ervation of the National Democratic party, I will never 
abandon that organization as long as the banner which floats 
over it has inscribed upon its fold the principles to which I 


am in body and mind thoroughly and unfalteringly devoted 
now and forever." 

There were a few incidental points which perhaps it may 
be well to notice. The Kansas bill, and its true interpreta- 
tion, had been introduced into the discussion. In order to 
convict the Northern Democrats of inconsistency in this 
respect, Mr. Cox, of Kentucky, a Southern man, resorted 
to the extraordinary expedient, of calling up certain Free- 
Soilers to testify against their Democratic competitors in 
the Congressional canvass. It was in rebuke of this, that 
Mr. Cobb, directing his index finger towards the seat of 
Mr. Cox, with flashing eye, and impassioned sarcasm, ut- 
tered a sentence in the speech, which without a knowledge 
of the foregoing occurrence, may not be thoroughly under- 
stood. I allude to this passage: "There was no man in 
that House who would have risen before a Southern con- 
stituency, and called to the stand Free-Soilers to testify 
against the men who have fallen in defense of the Consti- 
tutional rights of the South." Upon this subject of dis- 
crepancy in the interpretation of that bill by different pub- 
lic men, you will find the following conclusive response : "I 
trust that I shall be able to show, at the proper time, that 
although there are differences of opinion on immaterial 
points, yet, that upon the great, leading, practical idea, con- 
tained in the bill, there is but one voice and one sentiment 
in the Democratic party. Adopt what theory you please; 
carry out what views you please; entertained by gentlemen 
of the Democratic party, they all come at last to the great 
practical point, — that the will of the people of the Terri- 
tory shall control and decide the question of Slavery." 

There was one other incident to which I wish to direct 
your attention, not so much because of its importance, as 
on account of its happy manner and effect. It is not to be 
found at all in some of the newspaper versions of the speech, 
and not accurately reported in others. Mr. Cox remarked, 
while Governor Cobb was speaking, that the Democrats 
could vote for one of his party without endorsing any prin- 


ciple of the Know-nothings, as they might vote under pro- 
test. To this Mr. Cobb made the following impromptu 
and felicitous reply: "I prefer to embody my protest in 
my vote ; it is easier understood by the country, requires few- 
er explanations hereafter; and is more acceptable to my 
heart." With this I will conclude an epistle that has gone 
far beyond the length I first designed, hoping that it may 
have the effect to present to you in a stronger light, some 
passages of a remarkable speech, which in the absence of the 
circumstances attending its delivery and in the hurry inci- 
dent to your arduous vocation, may have escaped the no- 
tice they deserve. W. 


Philadelphia, Pa., Dec. 25, 1855. 
My dear Sir: 

I have intended for some days to have written you to say 
how delighted your friends in this region were to see you 
again in the councils of the nation, fully armed for the sus- 
tainment of the principles which are to test the capacity of 
man for self government. I am this morning in the col- 
umns of the "Union" reminded of that intention by your 
brilliant effort on Friday last. Its praise is in the mouth 
of everybody. It is the blow of the session, its stunning ef- 
fect on the opposition is clearly manifest here, if followed 
up by the steady action of our friends, great good will result. 
I view it as the program of the next Presidential fight. 

I hope you will be able during the session to spend a few 
days with us in Philadelphia. I promise you a warm re- 
ception, not only from your personal friends but the great 
mass of our community. 



Washington City, Jan. 5, 1856. 
My dear wife: 

The contest for speaker continues without any 

perceptible change and no one sees any better prospect of 
an election than at the start. I still adhere to the opinion 
that Banks^ will ultimately be elected, though there is no 
other reason for the opinion than the force of mere conject- 
ure. A motion is just made to adjourn and as it is Satur- 
day evening, I think, it will pass. I therefore conclude my 
letter, & moreover have nothing to write about. 


New Brunswick, N. J., Jan. 14th, 1856. 
My dear Mr. Cobb : 

I have been intending to pay you a visit at Washington 
on my way to Georgia, but have been deterred from doing 
so by the disorganized condition of the House of Represent- 
atives. Will you ever elect a speaker? I have read the 
message of the President. It is excellent and all on paper 
we could desire, but with me there lacks one great essential 
(not to make it a better production) which he cannot give. 
I do not believe In him : I do not believe he would carry out 
in practice that he conveys to us in writing. This is the great 
difficulty that Mr. Pierce labors under with the people of 
this country. They have not confidence in him and they 
will not believe him. I am truly sorry that things should be 
so with the head of the great Democratic party, but as far 
as my observation has led me, I am constrained to say that 
this administration has not the confidence of the Democracy, 

1 Nathaniel P. Banks, Congressman from Massachusetts, 1853-1857. Speaker 
of the Thirty-Fourth Congress ; elected on the 133rd ballot. 


nor will it ever have. The Democratic party is as strong 
now as it was in 1852 and if united as it was then is prob- 
ably stronger. A union is all that is desirable to ensure suc- 
cess in 1856. To effect this union must be by a rejection 
of Mr. Pierce's claim to a re-election. If he is renominated, 
the Democratic party is certainly destined to defeat and 
disgrace. I know of no condition of things that could pos- 
sibly re-elect him and it is well for the Democracy to look 
elsewhere for their standard bearer. 

I am certainly disposed to support the administration as 
a Democrat, and all measures emanating from it ought to 
be sustained by the party as from the administration placed 
there by them, but further I would not go. 

It is needless to give reasons, and how Mr. Pierce has 
placed the Democratic party in its present unpleasant and 
divided position. You know them as well if not better 
than I do. But I look upon him as having violated his in- 
augural, as having caused the disruption of the party, as 
being the cause of forming of the Know-nothing party, and 
in fact the dissolution of the integrity of the Democracy, 
of his having demoralized them in every particular. 

I am a Democrat of forty years standing and for that 
space of time have cast my vote only for a Democrat. I 
am now an old man, having my three-score years. I will 
I hope die in my Democratic faith and hope to live to wit- 
ness many of its triumphs. But if this man Pierce is again 
to be thrust upon us, if I live I will not vote for him. 

If I were with you, I could relate things that I know of, 
but will not do to put in a letter. So I will wait until anoth- 
er opportunity. I should like to be a member of the Cin- 
cinnati Convention, if I can be sent there with a knowledge 
by those who send me that under no circumstances will I 
support Mr. Pierce F 



Milledgeville, [Ga.,] 20 Jany. 1856. 

My Dear Sir: 

The Democratic party of Georgia do not 

believe that the will of the people of the Territory shall con- 
trol and decide the question of slavery. As a proof of It 
read a copy of the preamble and resolutions introduced in 
the House by Gen. Smith of Jones. When we meet face to 
face I will give you the secret history of those resolutions. 
It would not surprise me If the Legislature of Georgia ap- 
propriated funds to help prevent the ^people' of Kansas 
from declaring that It should be a free state 

Make no false Issues. The citizens of a territory ac- 
cording to the Democratic creed may control the matter, 
but not according to my doctrine. No number of citizens 
or people have a right to take away my property so long 
as we live under the Constitution. If we are forming a 
government de novo they may say I and others shall not 
hold slaves, but we have also the right to say that we will 
depart from such a government and take our property with 
us. Nor is there any such thing as free territory belonging 
to the United States and the distinction which the Demo- 
crats In Congress take between States and Territory would 
be laughed at In a school boy. 

All territory derives Its character as to occupation from 
the [owners?] The Territory of the United States belongs 
to all the States, slave and free; It is therefore slave 
territory and not free — because all have a right of occu- 
pancy. And if the free community steal or trespass on the 
property of the slave-owner, horse or negro, Congress is 
bound to protect it. Just as much as Congress is bound to 
protect your goods or mine on the high seas against the 
free hooter and pirate who says that the ocean Is free. . . 



Wa§ington City, February i, 1856^ 
My dear Wife : 

You will see that the President has sent in his 

message. Mr. Stephens and myself urged it upon him, and 
as I said to you before, he was startled at the idea at first, 
but ultimately acted upon it, and the whole party sustain him 
in his course. If he had had bold counsellors from the be- 
ginning, he would not be in the position he is, and I expect 
he begins to think so himself. The credit is given to the 
President himself for the boldness of the move and that is 
right. I don't know which was most astonished when the 
message was delivered, his friends or his enemies — all were 
taken by surprise This is the advantage of the head of a 
party doing a thing first, and consulting about it afterwards. 
Had he consulted too many there never would have been 


Eatonton, Putnam Co., Ga., April 10, 1856 
My dear Sir : 

I presume you intended your letter on the matter of the 
Presidential Election for my brother. Doctor Henry Bran- 
ham. As it was addressed to me, I will answer it. The 
manifest policy of the Democratic Party is to unite on the 
strongest sound man. I have no doubt (with the excep- 
tion of Kentucky and Maryland) all the Slave states would 
vote for Pierce, Douglass or Buckhannan. The only ques- 
tion for the party to determine is, which of these men is the 
strongest. Buckhannan is unquestionably the man. He can 
get the vote of Pennsylvania, and possibly New York, N. 

1 This letter is dated in the original Jan. 1, but this is probably an error, as the 
letter appears to refer to President Pierce's message of Jan. 24, in which he had 
condemned the activities of the Free-Soil element in Kansas. See T, C. Smith, 
Parties and Slavery pp. 149-151. 


Jersey, N. Hampshire and Maine. If Mr. Buckhannan is 
nominated the Democratic vote of the South will be larger 
than it has ever been. I have more confidence in your per- 
sonal management of the affairs of the Democratic party 
than any fifty that will be at the Cincinati Convention. I 
speak but the language of hundreds of your friends when I 
say you ought to be there. You will allow me to speak 
candidly to you. I believe you to be an honest publick man^ 
and the best and safest manager the party has, North or 
South. There are so few to be relyed on as having sound 
policy and discretions in such an important matter, that we 
in Georgia who know you well, think and feel that all would 
be well if your council and advice could prevail in the Con- 
vention. It is truly an important and ominous period in 
the history of our country, and all true patriots should unite 
to save the Union and maintain the constitutional rights 
and eaquality of the states. With Buchannan this may be 
accomplished. I honestly believe he is the only man that 
can succeed. 


Wheatland, [Pa.,] lo July, 1856. 
My dear Sir: 

I have received your kind favor & am sorry to learn that 
the article in the Lancaster Intelligencer about Col. Benton 
has produced such an unhappy effect in Washington. It 
only illustrates the truth of the remark that grave conse- 
quences often flow from the most trifling causes. I am as 
little responsible for this article as I am for "squatter sov- 
ereignty," although my friends in the South charge me with 
both & this with equally good reason. I never saw the ar- 
ticle and knew nothing of it until some days after it appeared 
in the Intelligencer. The editor has a correspondent in St* 
Louis, who has written him letters gratis for publication for 
a number of years & these have been quite interesting & in- 


creased the circulation of his paper. It appears this cor- 
respondent who went from Lancaster & whose relatives, all 
excellent Democrats, reside in the neighborhood, is a strong 
Benton man. The Editor told me he thought it was bad 
policy in the Washington Union to be assailing Col. Benton 
or any other man who was supporting me & therefore he 
wrote and inserted the article. There shall be no more 
of this thing, though it would give the affair too much im- 
portance formally to recall the article. Whether Benton 
be sincere or not, (I believe he is) I cannot perceive the 
necessity for assailing him and thus affording him a reason 
or a pretext for keeping his electoral ticket in the field. Gov- 
ernor Price voluntarily assured me and pledged his honor 
for the event that if they could not compromise with their 
opponents, they would withdraw their ticket. In a short 
time Col. Benton's sincerity must be tested. I presume it 
is not intended to drive from my support all who do not 
agree with the platform with which I am identified heart 
and soul, & who prefer me rather than support a Know- 
Nothing or a disunionist. There are very many such 
among the old whig party in this State. 

Maryland is a prodigy. The Black Republicans here 
calculate upon the vote for Fillmore with perfect confidence. 
Their hope Is that I will have sufficient strength In the South 
to carry the election into the House & then they would con- 
sider Fremont's election as certain. Fillmore has not the 
most remote chance of any northern State. He will not get 
an electoral vote in the union, unless it be in the South. Un- 
der these circumstances, is it not amazing that the old line 
whigs of Maryland should play into the hands of the aboli- 
tionists and disunlonlsts. 

I speak of Maryland particularly — because the Black 
Republicans speak of it in such a manner as to induce a belief 
that they have some real foundation for their hopes. In 
case of a dissolution of the Union, which Heaven forbid, 
Maryland & Pennsylvania would most probably be frontier 


States ; & whilst we and generations yet to come would have 
bitter cause to deplore the dreadful catastrophe, these two 
states would suffer more than any other members of the con- 

I regret very much that Mr. Crawford and yourself could 
not visit me as I had expected. Please to remember me to him 
very kindly & say I hope that both he & you may pay me a 
visit at a more convenient season for yourselves. 


Washington City, 19 July, 1856. 
Dear Ward: 

I have thought but little and said less about the cabinet 
since I saw you. I think it best to let the matter rest until 
the election is over. There will be a great struggle about it, 
and our policy Is to be uncommittal until we see how matters 
stand. I confess to you I have no personal wish about it, 
so far as my own name is concerned. Indeed, I have less 
and less desire every day for any such place, and I need not 
say, that your own appointment would be more acceptable to 
me than any other man. 

At present things look badly at the north. The anti- 
slavery excitement Is running high. There must be a re- 
action or all is lost. As to Fillmore, he is doing through his 
friends, all the harm at the South they can and no good at 
the North. Already have his friends united with the Black 
Republicans in Pa., for the Oct. elections, and It is said, will 
unite in an electoral ticket. I have faith In the people and 
cannot doubt Buchanan's election, but It looks stormy now. 
Fremont's election is a dissolution of the Union and when 
the north sees and feels that, there must be a reaction, 

I leave In the morning to carry my family home but shall 
be back in a week. 

1 The Editor is Indebted to the Librarian of the Wisconsin State Historical 
Society for a photostat of this letter. 



Washington City, Dec. i, 1856. 

My dear Wife : 

As you might expect, all the talk here is about 

the cabinet of Mr. Buchanan and there are as many opinions 
and speculations here as you see in the newspapers. I have 
nothing authoritatively from Mr. Buchanan, but at the same 
time I am pretty well informed of the present state of the 
question at Wheatland. Mr. Buchanan has not as yet de- 
termined definitely upon any member of his cabinet, and 
will not before the first of February. I have no doubt that 
he will offer me a place in his cabinet, and I have as little 
that he wants me to take the only place that I would accept 
^ — the State Department. I am informed in a way that is 
perfectly satisfactory that he is more anxious on that point 
than upon any other. It has been extremely gratifying to 
me to hear and know that he expresses himself more cor- 
dially in reference to myself than to any other person. It 
is equally gratifying to see the feeling manifested in my fa- 
vor from almost every quarter of the Union. It is worth 
more than all the offices in the Republic. My going into 
the cabinet I feel confident therefore is a question for my 
and your decision 


Washington City, Dec. 17, 1856. 

My dear Wife: 

I found things in Washington about as I 

left them. The politicians are all busy making a cabinet for 
Mr. Buchanan. The only additional point that I have 
learned since my return is this — Mr. Buchanan has been In- 
formed that I will take no place in his cabinet except the 


State Department, and several of his personal friends have 
said to me that Mr. Buchanan has said to them that the 
only trouble he has, in making his cabinet is in fixing upon 
his Secretary of State. Now my inference is that he had 
fixed his mind upon the Treasury for myself, and is there- 
fore embarassed about the matter. This is my conjecture 
as I hear from all quarters that all his friends press upon 
him my appointment, and such is his own desire. Who it 
is that he is looking to for his Secretary of State, I cannot 
say, unless it is General Cass. Upon that point he pre- 
serves a remarkable silence, which is not broken to anyone. 
It is a matter that gives me no anxiety and -but little thought, 
as I am personally quite Indifferent whether I go into the 
cabinet or not. Knowing however that you want to know 
how the matter stands I write you all I know or think on the 


Macon, Ga., Dec. 21, 1856. 

My dear Husband: 

I feel as if we will make a happy escape should 

we be left out of the Cabinet. Things having settled down 
so well at Athens relative to the College, and should we 
get a new, good teacher for boys, I am more inclined to stay 
at home and should Mr. B[uchanan] offer you any other 
place than the one you have said was the only one you would 
have, I shall be ready to rejoice over your decision to de- 
cline. Still, I want you to decide for yourself and not for 
me. I merely wish you to understand that my ambition is 
for you and not for myself, and I shall feel no mortification 
and disappointment for myself should you remain out of the 



Phila. Dec. 26, 1856. 
My dear Cobb: 

I owe you many apologies for not writing you on your 
return from Georgia; for I had much to say. Magruder 
did not tell me you desired to meet me, or I should have 
gone to Baltimore on eagle's wings. 

There is one thing, my dear Cobb, that you are bound 
to do. You must not desert your friends. You will be to 
the National Democracy, their main pillow under Mr. B's 
administration. Without you I fear he may float into new 
hands and then Good-by to your friends. I am not author- 
ized to speak. I only knom that everybody here prays to 
God that Howell Cobb will go into the Cabinet, and with- 
out him many a good hearted friend will feel himself de- 
serted. There is nothing selfish in you. I know not what 
Mr. Buchanan has in reserve for you, but he asked me, a few 
days ago, this question "If I take Gen. Cass as [Secretary 
of] State would Gov. Cobb go into my Cabinet?" I had 
seen Hart before you wrote me, and he told me that you 
said to him you would take the State Department alone, 
and this suggestion I had spoken of. But I answered Mr. 
B. "If Gov. Cobb is the man I take him for; if he desires 
to serve his friends ; if he is anything to your administration ; 
he will.'*'* The good old man brightened up and said, "/ 
should he glad to know it^ 

From this I do not decide that you are out of the State ; 
by no means. Your friends, active and devoted as men can 
be, are all for you for that; and Mr. B. himself looks to it 
for you ; but if this is not done, for God's sake do not desert 
us, should the next position be offered. When you remem- 
ber that the extreme South has yielded before the demand 

I Editor of Philadelphia and Washinston Papers ; Clerk of the U. S. House of 
Representlves 1851-1855, as a Democrat; 1859-1861 as a Republican. 


for your services and that those who assail you only injure 
themselves by doing so, and that the whole democracy of the 
North pray for you in the Cabinet, I am sure you ought not 
to hesitate. It would be so unlike you to do so, that I will 
not debate it with you for a moment. Should you refuse I 
should feel like giving up politics forever, and so would 
many others.^ 

As to myself, I am hopeful but not nearly so confident as 
my friends are. Mr. B. is at work for me with much ener- 

1 Cobb was offered the Secretaryship of the Treasury and accepted. 

[The Cobb Papers will be continued in the September 
number of the Quarterly.] 


General Robert E. Lee after Appomattox. Ed. by Franklin 
L. Riley. (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1922, 
pp. xviii, 250.) 

Robert Edward Lee after the Civil War was quite a 
different man in his outlook on life from what he had been 
before. Although he had had no part in bringing on the 
war and even had believed that secession should not have 
been attempted when it was, he fought for the cause of the 
South and was naturally much affected by the four years 
of the struggle. As with many others so with Lee, Appo- 
mattox meant the end of one age and the beginning of an- 
other — an age in which relative positions would be vastly 
changed. The weight of the war rested heavily on Lee 
throughout the remainder of his life. He would forget 
the conflict (although at first for a time he planned a history 
of it) and all other wars. He hated war and militarism and 
was opposed to military training in colleges. He seldom 
smiled; yet he was far from being morose. 

He accepted the results of the war without question, 
and to him the sane course for all Southerners was to set 
about rebuilding. Numerous offers of lucrative positions 
were showered upon him whereby he might regain his form- 
er fortunes, and even a country estate in England was prof- 
fered; but he rejected all and, instead, accepted the presi- 
dency of a bankrupt college. It was here where he saw 
service could be rendered to the South, and in the remaining 
few years of his life he gathered an increasingly large num- 
ber of eager and earnest students, many of them his former 
soldiers, and laid the real foundations of the Washington 
and Lee University of today. 

This book well sets forth an intimate view of Lee, justly 
laudatory and naturally so due to the fact that it is com- 
posed largely of accounts written by his former students or 
associates. This method is valuable in presenting Lee in 


the minutest details of his life as noted by admirers; it 
presents Lee as no biographer could who had never known 
him. This method also has the fault of considerable repe- 
tition, little discrimination, and no unified straightforward 
account. But withal this work Is a valuable contribution to a 
complete appreciation and understanding of the great South- 
ern chieftain. 

A dozen clear Illustrations add interest to the book, and 
a table of contents and an index make reference to particu- 
lar topics rather easy. A few printer's mistakes exist, e.g., 
the date, 1879, ^^ P^g^ ^5^- 

E. M. C. 

Men of the South, A Work for the Newspaper Reference 
Library. (New Orleans: Southern Biographical Association. 
1922, pp. 792.) 

As the sub-title of this work indicates, it is primarily a 
reference book for the newspaper editor; but as the "Fore- 
word" states, it is also published for "the artist, and those 
interested in the affairs of the South." The task of compila- 
tion has been done by a board of fifteen editors from various 
Southern States. It consists of short biographical sketches 
of Southern men, and there is almost invariably included a 
photograph of the subject. The work is divided according 
to states, and at the beginning of each division there is a 
short historical account of the state, in which occasion is also 
taken to note present conditions and the future outlook. 
These accounts sometimes develop Into meaningless lauda- 
tion, hence become worthless. For example, in the sketch of 
Georgia, twenty-six instances are mentioned In which the 
state is declared to be first In something. In some cases It 
would require much patient Investigation, which has never 
been done, to establish the fact, and In others, It is manifest- 
ly misleading, as for example, "First Christian baptism, 
1540," "First cultivation of grapes; W. de Lyon, 1735." 


The title of this work is somewhat misleading, as only- 
eight of the Southern States are included, viz : Florida, Ala- 
bama, Tennessee, Virginia, Georgia, Louisiana, Kentucky 
and Texas; and the basis for inclusion of men is not quite 
clear. Certainly it could not be predicated on the relative 
prominence of the subjects as among the states for Florida 
is allotted 238 pages, whereas Virginia is given only 80, 
Georgia 74, Kentucky 26, and Texas 24. An examination 
of any state will also reveal the fact that no fixed standard 
of prominence is set in selecting men within a state itself. 
However, a particular method of compilation could easily 
account for this. 

The make-up of the book is most attractive ; it is a beauti- 
ful piece of book-making. Most of the photographs are 
large and clear, and the paper used is of a high grade. For 
the clientele particularly in view, this work will serve a use- 
ful purpose, as far as it goes. There is an index of names, 
but no table of contents. 

E. M. C. 

A Life of George JVestinghouse, By Henry G. Prout, C. 
E., A. M., LL.D (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 
1922, pp. xiv, 375. $2.50.) 

This is the record of a remarkable inventor, financier, 
and business man. He had much more to do with making 
America rich and powerful than many a person whose 
name looms large in American history as it has been written. 
But political affairs are fast being relegated as the only inter- 
pretation of a people or even as one of the most important. 
In the newer light, the history of recent America must note 
the name of George Westinghouse and include an account of 
the developments with which his name is linked. Railway 
transportation, electrical advancement along many lines^ 
such as the manufacture of power, and numerous major 
mechanical inventions which made the the rapid industrial 


progress in America possible — these things are largely be- 
holden to George Westinghouse. 

He was a New England Yankee, of a family not un- 
known for its mechanical skill; and in point of time he 
appeared on the stage of action soon enough to run away to 
join the Union armies in the Civil War. He attended 
Union College three months and came to the conclusion 
that more was to be learned and accomplished in his 
father's workshop. His first invention came in 1865, ^^ 
rotary steam engine; and although it failed to come into 
practical use itself, it led to the rotary water meter. For 
the next forty-eight years, the remainder of his life, he 
turned out on an average one invention every eight weeks. 
His whole aim and thought was to better equip his own 
shops — he never made an invention to sell. He is best 
known for his air brake; but his development of the alter- 
nating current transformed the electrical world. (As a 
business genius and organizer, he showed his ability in devel- 
oping a host of companies in America and many in Europe 
and elsewhere. In fact he admitted his ambition was to 
make the world his field. A signal recognition of his in- 
tegrity and capacity was his appointment with Grover 
Cleveland and Justice Morgan J. O'Brien on the board of 
trustees to save the Equitable Life Insurance Society from 
ruin. Among his conspicuous business deals were his con- 
tracts for lighting the Columban World's Fair in Chicago 
for developing the electrical mechanics for harnessing Niag- 
ara Falls. 

This book is written to a great extent in non-technical lan- 
guage; yet the author has developed his treatment of tech- 
nical topics in so complete a manner that no engineer need 
feel that the subject is not adequately handled. Those who 
have no desires to go into the technical discussions will find 
much of general interest in the first and last two chapters, 
viz : ^'Introduction," "The Personality of George Westing- 
house," and "The Meaning of George Westinghouse." Mr. 


Prout has used his best opportunities in securing his informa- 
tion. Westinghouse left scanty written traces. He wrote 
few private letters, kept no journals or notebooks, and 
made few addresses. The author did the next best thing, 
by using wherever possible the information that Westing- 
house^s close business associates could give. The book con- 
tains a few illustrations, a table of contents, an appendix 
on the patents of Westinghouse, and a rather inadequate 
index. This work should prove a distinct help to those who 
would write or understand American history in its true sense. 

E. M. C. 


The Virginia Historical Pageant produced in Richmond 
in May was the occasion of a special number of the Virginia 
Magazine of History and Biography. The documents and 
other regular features are omitted from the April, 1922, 
issue and the magazine is made up of portraits of great 
Virginians, an account of the history and plans of the Vir- 
ginia Historical Pageant Association and '*a number of 
papers which are popular in their nature, but which are 
the results of scholarly research." Some of the papers have 
been published before or are more popular presentations 
of material that has been published in another form. The 
first paper, *'The Native Tribes of Virginia," is by a special 
student of the subject, David I. Bushnell, Jr., of the Bureau 
of American Ethnology. The First University in America 
is an address given by Captain W. Gordon McCabe, at 
Dutch Gap, May 31, 191 1, at the unveiling by the Virginia 
Society of Colonial Dames of a monument to commemorate 
the plans that would have given Virginia the honor of the 
first university in America but for the tragedy of the Indian 
Massacre of 1622. The Real Beginnings of American 
Democracy, by Mary Newjton Stanard is an account of the 
genesis and proceedings of the first representative legislative 
assembly in America. The Settlement of the Valley, by 
Charles E. Kemper, of Staunton, and Before the Gates of 
the Wilderness Road, by Judge Lyman Chalkley of the 
University of Kentucky, treat of the settlement of the great 
back country of Virginia. The final article, The Virginians 
on the Ohio and Mississippi In 1742, by Fairfax Harrison, 
gives for the first time '*a clear and authoritative account 
of the very remarkable expedition of Howard, Sailing and 
their party from the Valley of Virginia to New Orleans and 
of Sailing's equally remarkable escape from French cap- 


The May, 1922, number of the Register of the Kentucky 
State Historical Society, presents as its leading article a com- 
pilation of biographical sketches and appreciations of 
Henry Watterson, which touches upon every phase of the 
brilliant career of the famous Kentuckian. Doctor Willard 
Rouse Jillson, Director and State Geologist, the Kentucky 
Geological Survey, contributes three papers to this number 
of the Register. The discovery of Kentucky is an exposition 
of the mythical character of the several explorations ascribed 
to Kentucky prior to actual discovery by Gabriel Arthur, 
Virginian, in 1674. First Explorations of Daniel Boone 
in Kentucky, gives the researches of the wiriter in the manu- 
script library of the late Doctor Lyman C. Draper, in the 
archives of the Wisconsin State Historical Society that re- 
sulted in the finding of two pages of hitherto unpublished 
manuscript showing that Boone made his first hunting trip 
into Kentucky in 1767. In the third paper Doctor Rouse 
gives the history of oil and gas in the Big Sandy Valley. 
Among the other articles are some new facts about Abraham 
Lincoln's parents by Thomas B. McGregor^ republished 
from the National Republican ; Reminiscences from the Life 
of Colonel Cave Johnson; Correspondence between Gov- 
ernor Shelby and General Harrison, January 30, 18 13 — 
June 28, 1 8 14; Fayette County Census of 18 10; History 
of Lincoln County Court; and West Kentucky Sketches. 

The Maryland Historical Magazine, March, 1922, pub- 
lishes the Civil War Diary of General Isaac Ridgeway Trim- 
ble, Lloyd Graveyard at Nye House, Talbot County, Mary- 
land, by McHenry Howard, and some unpublished Provin- 
cial Records, and continues the Catonsville Biographies by 
George C. Keidel, Ph. D., anfl the life of James Alfred 
Pearce, by Bernard C. Steiner. The chapter of the life of 
Pearce published in this number contains some interesting 
jcontemporary accounts of the breakup and realignment of 
parties following the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill. 

The Mississippi Valley Historical Reviem for March, 
1922, has three leading articles: The Relation of Philip 


Phillips to the Repeal of the Missouri Compromise in 1854, 
by Henry Barrett Learned; The Beginnings of Railroads in 
the Southwest, by R. S. Cottrell; The Policy of Albany and 
English Westward Expansion, by Arthur H. Buffington. 
The first article is based upon the papers in the Library of 
Congress of Philip Phillips, representative from Alabama, 
December, 1853, — March, 1855 and throws some additional 
light on the formulation of that part of the Kansas-Nebraska 
Act that repealed the Missouri Compromise and the famous 
conference held by President Pierce at the White House on 
Sunday January 22, 1854. The second paper is a very inter- 
esting discussion of the struggle of New Orleans and the 
cities of Alabama, Tennessee, and Mississippi for the trade 
of the Southwest between 1830 and 1840. The panic of 
1837 dealt a severe blow to the far-reaching plans of these 
cities for railroads that would secure the coveted trade and 
a little more than one hundred miles of railroad were actu- 
ally built, but during this decade was definitely outlined the 
railroad program of this part of the South before the Civil 

In the Southwestern Historical Quarterly of January, 
1922, W. P. Webb, in a paper on the Last Treaty of the 
Republic of Texas, explains the change after annexation in 
the attitude and policy of Texas towards the Indians within 
her borders. In the period of the republic two parties devel- 
oped in Texas over the Indian policy; the majority to which 
Lamar belonged favored extermination; an influential minor- 
ity led by Sam Houston desired peaceful relationship estab- 
lished through diplomacy and maintained by kindness and 
fair dealing. The treaty signed November, 1845, marks 
the triumph of Houston's policy of concihation and at the 
end of her existence as an independent state, Texas was at 
peace with all the Indians within her borders. But with 
annexation, the policy of Texas was changed. In entering 
the Union Texas reserved all her public land, which in- 
cluded that inhabited by the Indians, and the implied right 


to land in Texas was lost to the Indians. Control over the 
Indians passed to the United States and the Federal Govern- 
ment would have to remove the Indians from Texas as 
rapidly as the Texans were ready to occupy it or there would 
be friction between the State and the Federal Government. 
There are no Indian reservations in Texas today. To this 
number of the Quarterly William E. Dunn contributes an 
interesting paper on the Founding of Nuestra Seiiora del 
Refugio, the last Spanish Mission in Texas; the Journal of 
Lewis Birdsall Harris, 1 836-1 842, is concluded; and the 
Bryan-Hayes correspondence is continued. The April, 1922, 
number of the Quarterly contains the Indian Policy of the 
Republic of Texas, by Anna Muckleroy; Edward Hopkins 
Gushing, an appreciation by his son, E. B. Gushing; and the 
third installment of the Bryan-Hayes Correspondence. 

The South Atlantic Quarterly^ April, 1922, contains four 
articles of interest to students of history. In the Middle 
States and the Embargo of 1808, Louis Martin Sears again 
publishes some of the results of the careful study that he 
is making of the embargo, its economic results, and the 
political reaction. Jeannette Reid Tandy concludes a 
critical and suggestive discussion of Pro-Slavery Propagan- 
da in American Fiction, of the Fifties. Daniel G. Roper, 
sometime United States Commissioner of Internal Revenue, 
contributes a paper on Administrative Problems in United 
States Internal Taxation, and Frank J. Klingberg one on 
the Americanism of Andrew Jackson. 

The Sewanee Review^ January-March, 1922, has awo 
articles of historical interest : Erasmus, A Humanist Among 
Reformers, by Frank M. Gibson of the Maryland Diocesan 
Library, Baltimore, and France before the War, by Dr. 
Sedley Lynch Ware of the University of the South. The 
latter is the first of three papers in which Professor Ware 
discusses ''the genius and the characteristics, the qualities 


and the defects of the race; in other words, the human 
factors in reconstruction.'^ The second paper will be de- 
voted to the changes brought about by the war and to the 
problems created by it. The final paper will deal with 
France's material and moral resources as assets in the 
work of rebuilding and as promises for the future. 

OF AUGUST 24, 1921, 

Of "Georgia Historical Quarterly" published quarterly at Macon, 
Georgia for April 1, 1922; State of Georgia, County of Bibb. 

Before me, a notary public in and for the State and county afore- 
said, personally appeared Percy Scott Flippin, who, having been duly 
sworn according to law, deposes and says that he is the Managing 
Editor of the Georgia Historical Quarterly and that the following is, 
to the best of his knowledge and belief, a true statement of the owner- 
ship, management (and if a daily paper the circulation), etc. of the 
aforesaid publication for the date shown in the above caption, re- 
quired by the Act of August 24, 1912, embodied in section 443, Postal 
Laws and Regulations, printed on the reverse of this form, to-wit: 

1. That the names and addresses of the publisher, editor, manag- 
ing editor, and business managers are: 

Publisher, Georgia Historical Society, Macon, Ga.; Managing Edi- 
tor, Percy Scott Flippin, Macon, Ga. ; Business Manager, Percy Scott 
Flippin, Macon, Ga. 

2. That the owners are: Georgia Historical Society, Macon, Ga. 

3. That the known bondholders, mortgagees, and other holders 
owning or holding 1 per cent or more of total amount of bonds, 
mortgages, or other securities are: There are no bond holders, mort- 
gagees or other security holders. 

4. That the two paragraphs next above, giving the names of the 
owners, stockholders, and security holders, if any, contain not only 
the list of stockholders and security holders as they appear upon the 
books of the company but also, in cases where the stockholder or 
security holder appears upon the books of the company as trustee or 
in any other fiduciary relation, the name of the person or corporation 
for whom such trustee is acting, is given; also that the said two para- 
graphs contain statements embracing affiant's full knowledge and belief 
as to the circumstances and conditions under which stockholders and 
security holders who do not appear upon the books of the company as 
trustees, hold stock and securities in a capacity other than that of a 
bona fide owner; and this affiant has no reason to believe that any 
other person, association, or corporation has any interest direct or in- 
direct in the said stock, bonds, or other securities than as so stated 
by him. 

Sworn to and subscribed before me this 27th day of March, 1922. 

S. E. ODOM. 

f . . . 

\ The Georgia Historical Quarterly 

Volume VI. September, 1922 Number 3 


President Georgia Historical Society. 

The preamble to the Charter of "The Georgia Historical 
Society" declares that the Society was Instituted "for the 
purpose of collecting, preserving and diffusing Information 
relating to the history of the State of Georgia In particular, 
and of American History generally. 

The Constitution of the Society In setting forth the ob- 
jects of the Society quotes the language of the preamble. 
The purpose of the Society to diffuse Information relating 
to history has been steadfastly adhered to. I do not desire 
to offend against either law or tradition. I wish to refer 
to some things that are now transpiring. In a sense the 
things of to-day are not history but they are that which will 
make history. We speak of current events. May we not 
say history Is past, current and future. That which has 
been, exerted an Influence In producing that which Is, and 
that which Is, portends that which will be. I will refer to 
that which has been and I trust I will not offend when I refer 
to that which Is, In an effort to safeguard that which will be. 

The fourteenth amendment to the Constitution of the 
United States contains this language, "Nor shall any State 
deprive any person of life, liberty or property without due 

1 Presented at the Eighty-Third Annual Meeting of the Georgia Historical So- 
ciety, April 12, 1922. 


process of law, nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction 
the equal protection of the laws." It is now settled that the 
terms of even a Constitution are the legitimate subject of 
judicial interpretation. It is also now settled that the right 
and duty of interpretation of the Constitution of the United 
States resides in the Supreme Court of the United States 
and the utterance of that august tribunal is the last word 
as to the meaning of the Constitution. It is a matter of 
common knowledge that the highest courts and the most 
respectable tribunals do not always cling to prior interpre- 
tations of contracts, wills, laws and constitutions. 

In the realm of judicial Interpretation there are two lead- 
ing maxims; stare decisis, let the ruling stand; fiat justitia 
mat coeluviy let justice be done though the heavens fall. 
Chief Justice Bleckley said: "Courts of final review are 
bound by the rule stare decisis both as a canon of public good, 
and a law of self preservation : nevertheless, where a grave 
and palpable error, widely affecting the administration of 
justice,' must either be solemnly sanctioned or repudiated, 
the maxim which applies is fiat justitia ruat coelumJ'^ A 
change in the personnel of a court sometimes brings a change 
of interpretation. Be it said however to the credit of judges 
that this does not happen very often. As a rule judges con- 
quer pride of opinion. A complete change of conditions, a 
state of affairs that could not be foreseen,' or a manifest 
failure to apprehend the scope of a law or a constitution 
more commonly bring about change In interpretation. 

The ninth and tenth amendments to the Constitution of 
the United states are In these words: "The enumeration 
in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be construed 
to deny or disparage others retained by the people." "The 
powers not delegated to the United States by the Con- 
stitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to 
the States respectively or to the people." In the division 
of powers between the Federal Government and the State, 
the power to punish crime was reserved to the States In the 

2 Ellison V. R. R. Co. 87 Ga. 691. 


original Constitution with certain exceptions, such as crimes 
against the United States, offenses against the law of nations, 
and offenses committed by or against persons acting under 
color of authority of the United States and the like. The 
power to punish was recognized, except in such cases as 
have been referred to, as within the reserved powers of 
the State referred to in the ninth and tenth amendments. 
Within the powers expressly granted or arising by necessary 
implication the judicial power of the United States extended 
to the punishment of individuals. The question as to how 
far the provisions of the fourteenth amendment extended 
into the former powers of the State arose early after the 
amendment was adopted. Congress asserted the right under 
authority of that amendment to punish individuals for de- 
priving persons of life, liberty and property by due process 
of law and denying to persons the equal protection of the 

The Supreme Court held and has consistently held to this 
day that the limitation in the fourteenth amendment is a 
limitation upon State authority exercised through state agen- 
cies, upon the law-making department of the State, upon 
the judicial department, upon the executive department, 
upon the various administrative agencies acting under au- 
thority or color of authority of the State. It restrained the 
State in its corporate capacity and did not restrain individu- 
al action where the individual was not acting under State 
authority, especially did it not restrain where the individual 
was acting in <iefiance of State authority. Murder, is an 
offense against the State ordinarily. It might be an offense 
against the United States if the deceased were killed while 
pursuing his duty as a Federal officer, or if the killing con- 
stituted or was a part of an offense against the law of na- 
tions, or was an act of treason against the United States or 
the like. But murder committed by an individual when 
neither the slayer nor the deceased had any connection di- 
rectly or remotely with the United States in the exercise of 
the powers granted it, was an offense against the State in 
which it was committed and against such State only. The 


Supreme Court of the United States has recognized without 
break in uniformity of the rule just stated. But the recogni- 
tion of this rule by the Court is a result of mere interpreta- 

There is now pending in the Congress a bill declaring 
murder by lynching to be an offense against the United 
States. The bill as it was finally presented to the House of 
Representatives and passed is adroitly framed. It seems to 
recognize the existing interpretation as sound. It seeks to 
avoid the effect of such interpretation by declaring that non- 
action by the State when one is denied the equal protection 
by an individual is the equivalent of state action and brings 
the state within the limitation of the amendment. It pro- 
vides that if murder by lynching occurs the offenders may 
be indicted in the Federal Court, and if it shall appear that 
no action has b^en taken by the State to punish the offenders 
within a specified time the presumption shall be that the State 
has abdicated its authority and as a result this State has 
denied the deceased the equal protection of the laws. This 
presumption places upon the State the burden of showing 
that it is enforcing its laws against murder by lynching. We 
do not know whether the Senate will pass this bill nor do we 
know what will be the interpretation placed by the Supreme 
Court upon it if it is enacted into law. Lynchings have 
occurred in Georgia. I will not further refer to the dark 
page in our history too well known. We think of it with 
shame. We discuss it only to prevent a recurrence. The 
page becomes darker when I am :constrained to say, no 
lyncher has ever been punished in Georgia. If there is a 
recorded instance of the punishment of a lyncher in Georgia 
it has escaped my attention and my investigation has not yet 
discovered it. There have been perfunctory and farcical 
investigations by grand juries and coroners' juries. Up to 
the recent days we have had nothing more. Be it said to 
the credit of two counties that there has been recently real 
bona fide investigation. In one there were indictments but 



SO far no convictions. In the other the Investigation Is still 
in progress, and arrests have been made to await the action 
of the grand jury. The action of these two counties gives 
us a slight ray of hope.^ 

1 have so far referred to past history and current history. 
Now for an effort to forecast future history. What do we 
wish to be the record of the future? It is easy to indulge In 
gloomy forebodings. The prophet of evil is never an in- 
teresting character. Disaster has often come however be- 
cause the warnings of a prophet of evil have been disregard- 
ed. If we prophesy evil simply to distress then let our 
tongues be silenced and our pens fall from paralyzed hands. 
If after a calm review of the past, and an accurate observa- 
tion of the present, we see that which is destructive In the 
future, no fear of a charge of pessimism should restrain us 
from the utterance of the warning which our reason dictates 
and our conscience demands. If lynchlngs continue in Geor- 
gia and other States and the State Courts fail to function and 
punish murder thus committed, the day will certainly come 
when the pending bill In Congress, or a similar bill formu- 
lated upon still more shrewd and adroit lines will be enacted 
into law and the law thus enacted will be upheld by the 
Supreme Court of the United States. We have seen changes 
of view In judicial Interpretation where mere matters of 
commerce, trade and taxation are Involved. Some of us 
have thought some of these changes Invaded the reserved 
powers of the State. But we have acquiesced in them for 
the reason that the results seemed beneficial. If we have 
been ready to acquiesce In what we consider erroneous Inter- 
pretation concerning mere property rights, how much more 
will we be ready to acquiesce when the right to live Is in- 
volved. To be securely protected in the right to possess 
property is a matter of little concern if we have no guaranty 
of a right to live. "No person shall be deprived of life, 
liberty or property except by due process of law" — the 

1 Since this paper was read, three lynchers have been convicted and sentenced 
to terms in the penitentiary. This occurred in Schley County, the latter county 
herein before referred to. 


principles of all great charters of liberty, the language of 
all American constitutions. Each right in its due order: 
the right to live, living, the right to acquire that which 
makes life more desirable. We are jealous of our right to 
be at liberty and possess, how much more jealous of the right 
to live. We can submit to restraints of our right to be at 
large, and our right to possess but we cannot and will not 
submit to a deprivation of the right to live. 

''Protection to person and property is the paramount duty 
of government and shall be impartial and -complete," is the 
declaration of our State Constitution. Person before prop- 
erty always. The failure of a government to protect the 
right of property produces a grievous condition. The 
failure of a government to protect a citizen, its humblest 
citizen, in the right to live is abdication with anarchy 
as a result. The right to live is guaranteed by our State 
Constitution. If the due process of the law is not 
exerted to protect the right to live, then the government 
fails. There is no government, and those who wish to 
live and desire to see others live will look to some govern- 
ment which guarantees the right. Those inclined to obey the 
law seek a government which will administer law. If their 
government fails they will look elsewhere. If there is a 
government that can be appealed to which can function and 
will function they will welcome its protecting power and will 
not scrutinize dosely its authority. Usurpation will be wel- 
comed to avert anarchy. Congress will some day declare 
that the right to live is a right guaranteed by the fourteenth 
amendment to the Constitution and the courts will approve 
the declaration, and the people will submit to the conditions 
preferring to live under a government that governs rather 
than to attempt to exist at their peril under a government 
which is a pretended government only. This will all be 
usurpation by interpretation, or revolution by interpretation 
whichever way you may wish to phrase it, but it is a condi- 
tion which the future certainly has in store for us unless 
state authority is exerted and State government functions to 


bring to justice those who murder by lynching. Our past 
history relative to lynching has been bad, wofully, and bad, 
indefensible from any viewpoint. Our current history dis- 
closes only the slightest glimmer of hope of improvement. 
There are men and groups of men In Georgia to-day who 
do not hesitate to commit murder by lynching In utter de- 
fiance and supreme contempt of State authority who would 
not dare to lay their lawless hands upon a rural mail box 
on a lonely road, protected only by the recognized fact that 
it was placed there by authority of the United States. There 
is a respect for the Federal Government, even by the law- 
less. If we cannot Instill the same respect for the State 
Government then State Government Is at an end and Federal 
Intervention is inevitable and I do not hesitate to say that 
under such circumstances Federal intervention is desirable. 
Can we cultivate a respect for State authority? That Is 
our task if we wish to make the pages of future history 
brighter than the pages of past and current history, and re- 
tain the right of the State to be supreme in matters of 
domestic concern. Violation of law, whether by the indi- 
vidual, or a group, or an organization, or a whole com- 
munity result from a contempt for constituted authority. 
We have been warned that our Institutions will fail, if they 
fail at all, from influences within. The strength of the units 
which compose it. The individual citizen is the unit. If 
the unit is sound the aggregation is sound. If the unsound 
units increase to a number, even though less than a majority, 
which terrorize the sound or are so blatant in their voice as 
to silence those who are sound then they create the tone and 
character of the whole number. The individual citizen is 
born in the home, and is there prepared for his later 
entrance into the school, is there trained for the duties of 
citizenship and then enters upon his career as a citizen 
ready to heed the admonitions and to further the purpose 
of the consecrated leaders of Christian civilization In the 
pulpit and In other positions of religious activity. The 
process may be slow but the results are certain If these 

,,^ . ■ ■.,- ,. . .,. I . ■„.,, . ^ .. - ,. .- - . .... ii i i umwuM."" I ' „.i "^, IJ. i - I'M 


three agencies are active and thorough in their respective 
realms. A government sometimes deems it a wise course 
to collect its revenue at the source where it originates. 
The children of men are wise in their day and generation. 
Those who are interested in the stability of government, the 
perpetuation of desirable institutions and due respect for 
constituted authority act wisely if they gather their citizens 
of the future at the sources which are a guarantee of useful 
ideals, a consistent advocacy of the same and conduct 
conforming thereto. Those under authority must be 
taught not only the Importance but the necessity of yielding 
to authority. Upon them rests the responsibility where evil 
results from the overturning of authority. The disposition 
to disregard the law must be removed by inculcating respect 
for the law. All must be made to appreciate that crime is 
crime whether committed by one, or a number, an individual 
or a community; that violation of law Is wrong no matter 
what may be the motive of the violator, whether It be gain or 
revenge or reform ; and that no good thing was ever accom- 
plished by wrong methods. Good citizenship must be the 
theme of the home, the school and the pulpit. I see great 
hope for the future in the faithful parent, the honest minded 
teacher and the fearless preacher. 

Write me down If you will as mere prophet of evil, but 
I have the temerity to record my warning, and to proclaim 
the remedy. As I have progressed I have alluded to Georgia 
affairs only. Georgia has been used as a type. I am not un- 
mindful of the fact that similar conditions prevail in other 
States. It is probable that in every State in the Union 
respect for Federal authority coexists with a contempt for 
State authoritv. 


Ex-Minister tx) Switzerland. 

One of the first troubles which Switzerland encountered 
at the opening of the European War was the appearance 
over its territory of the aeroplanes of belligerents. Switzer- 
land was soon called upon to complain of this violation of 
her neutrality and several towns suffered serious damage 
from bombs which were dropped by accident or design. One 
of the first offenders was an English aviator who, starting at 
Bellfort near the Swiss border, dropped shells over the 
German sheds at Frederickshafen where Zeppelin raiders 
were being manufactured. It was shown that the British 
airman had actually flown above a sqction of Switzerland. 
The matter was promptly taken up by the Swiss Federal 
Council and the Enghsh Government was swift to make an 
apology. If the aeroplane had actually passed over any 
part of Switzerland it was an inadvertence. Still,' Great 
Britain added that the question had not been definitely set- 
tled, and, although anxious to respect Switzerland's wishes 
in every way possible, the United Kingdom had not ad- 
mitted the right of any country to claim sovereignty over all 
the air resting above it. 

Germany was a frequent offender in this respect. Repeat- 
edly her aviators were accused of unlawful incursion and as 
often did they apologize. But, no more than England, did 
Germany admit the justice of Switzerland's contention. It 
claimed that even a warship was allowed to remain for a 
while in foreign w^aters without violating neutrality. So 
Berlin contended an aeroplane which merely passed over a 
country might do so without arousing suspicion of abusing 
neutral rights. 

1 This address was delivered before the Phi Beta Kappa Society of the Univer- 
sity of Georgia, June 19, 1922. 


These opening incidents show how carefully Switzerland 
regarded its neutrality in the war. Indeed, one of the mira- 
cles of the World's War was the neutrality of Switzerland. 

No nation was more affected by the war, although it was 
not actually one of the belligerents. As a government it 
carefully abstained from showing sympathy for either side. 
It has no story of towns destroyed or of armies annihilated. 
And yet, first and last, Switzerland was In turmoil and was a 
real sufferer from the struggle. 

' The picture of the little country during the four years was 
pathetic. It was surrounded on all sides by a wall of fire. 
On the north and east Germany and Austria bordered, and 
and on the west and south France and Italy were its close 
neighbors. It was dependent absolutely upon both groups 
for supplies, because Switzerland was far from being self- 
sustaining. From Germany and Austria It drew iron, steel, 
coal, sugar and commercial fertilizers. Through the Allied 
lines It was compelled to Bring grain and the bulk of its 
produce and provisions. 

The most dependent country In the world, Switzerland al- 
ways Insisted upon Its neutrality and independence. For one 
hundred years this neutrality had been guaranteed by peace 
congresses of the European Powers. It was established by 
the spirit of the people themselves. This little republic 
offered a tempting theatre to nations at war. It separated 
the ancestral foes, Germany and France. As the first Napo- 
leon said, it was the most valuable avenue of attack and de- 
fense between these two countries. 

In the early part of Its history Switzerland was always 
more or less embroiled. It had resisted the encroachments 
of the House of Hapsburg until the latter had been beaten 
to silence. It had hurled back the armies of Burgundy, had 
blocked the ambition even of Charles the Bold and retired 
the claims of the House of Savoy. Switzerland had re- 
mained neutral In the Thirty Years War. However, it 
was more or less involved In the Napoleonic Wars for Its 
soil was repeatedly Invaded by the Allies. 



By the treaty of 1815, however, the neutrality and inde- 
pendence of Switzerland were recognized and guaranteed by 
the nations of Europe. In the Franco-Prussian War of 1870 
Switzerland preserved her neutrality and a French army re- 
treating from Bellfort fell back into Switzerland and was 
interned at Neuchatel. Eighty thousand men were disarmed 
and imprisoned in Switzerland until the war was completed. 

Careful convoys of scouts watched the belligerents from 
towers on the frontier in 19 14. When American soldiers 
arrived in large numbers in France three years later Switzer- 
land promptly sounded President Wilson as to the policy of 
adding American recognition to European guarantees of its 
neutrality. And when she was invited later on to enter the 
League of Nations a commission was dispatched to Paris to 
explain to the Peace Conference that Switzerland could not 
under her contract with Europe assist in an economic block- 
ade or authorize the passage of troops across her soil, even 
though the latter might be sent by the League of Nations to 
punish refractory states. 

The wonder of the war was that in the midst of the turbu- 
lent scenes taking place in Europe, the effusion of blood and 
the shortage of food, Switzerland had preserved its neutral- 
ity and stood out against force and temptation. High au- 
thorities asserted at home and abroad that the time had come 
for the little nations to seek protection of the large coun- 
tries or to form their own alliance for combined defense. 
Switzerland, in spite of her temptation to cast her lot on 
either side, remained steadfastly asserting Its neutrality, be- 
coming the admiration of the world. 

It had long been a favorite plan with writers and strate- 
gists to erect Switzerland, Alsace-Lorraine, Luxemburg, and 
Belgium- into a "federated block of neutral territory." 
Did King Albert have this In his head when he appealed to 
the little states to stand together In the shadow of the im- 
pending storm? His words were significant. But in thirty 
days the storm which he feared had broken and the land- 
marks of Europe were brushed aside in a single night. The 
visit of the King of Belgium to Berne, the capital of Switzer- 


land, took place only three weeks before the European War 
burst upon the world. He had been in the habit of making 
unofficial visits to the Alps, lingering at the lakeside and 
enjoying the beautiful scenery of the Riviera of Switzerland. 
This time he threw off his incognito and was received in royal 
style at the federal capital. The Belgian colors floated from 
every eminence. It was believed he came to make a plea for 
a league of little peoples. If so, Switzerland turned a deaf 
ear to his entreaties. The country declined to express its 
sympathy for Belgium when Germany had actually violated 
the neutrality of that nation. 

The guarantee of the independence of Switzerland cannot 
serve as a pretext to the great powers to exercise a control 
upon the politics of that country. It does not prevent her 
from organizing and from training the largest army possi- 
ble. Some Swiss writers affect to see in this guaranteed neu- 
trality a cause of feebleness to Switzerland in limiting its 
liberty of action. They contend that a recognition of her 
neutrality is sufficient and that a guarantee itself is without 
value. But Switzerland claims to have experienced its bene- 
fits, recognized by treaties and supported by its army. It is 
not a neutrality imposed by the other powers, as in the case 
of Belgium, but recognized and guaranteed. 

No one knew how close Switzerland came to be the Bel- 
gium of the war. Two years before the war opened the Ger- 
man Kaiser paid a visit to that country during the summer 
military manoeuvres. He came to study the Swiss Army 
and to spy out the country. He was especially struck with 
the evidence of markmanship among the men. 

The Kaiser is said to have approached one of the recruits 
on the rifle range and to have congratulated him upon his 
skill. *'But do all the men in the Swiss Army shoot as well 
as you do?" the Emperor asked. 

"Yes, Sire," answered the soldier, "there are two hun- 
dred and fifty thousand men in the Swiss Army who shoot 
just as well as I do." 

The artist who recalled this picture and who framed it in 
a cartoon during the European War, represented the Kaiser 




as placing his hand upon his nose and muttering to himself, 
"I expect when the time comes It will be better for me to go 
through Belgium." 

Whether this anecdote Is a creation of art or a repetition 
of history, It Is true that Germany realized that It could not 
easily flank the armies of France by parading through the 
mountains of Switzerland. 

In the beginning of the year 19 17 the German General 
Stafl" among several projects examined a plan to strike the 
Allies on the Western front, violating Swiss neutrality. It 
is declared on good authority that this last maneouvre had 
been absolutely decided upon; that It was to form the comple- 
ment of the plan carried out In Belgium at the opening of 
the hostilities. The violation of Switzerland was expected 
to permit the outflanking and capture of defensive positions 
organized in France. The German Staff was already look- 
ing forward to a struggle in the rear of the French Army 
as a prelude to final triumph. HIndenberg is said to have 
been fascinated by the probable result of the Swiss man- 
oeuvre. He abandoned the idea of trying to end the war in 
the Near East and reinforced his Western front to the ut- 

In spite of the fact that the Great Powers had expressly 
In 1 8 15 recognized the neutrality and inviolability of Swit- 
zerland, which, they said, was In the Interest of the whole of 
Europe, after all the resistance of the neutral state is the 
essential factor. This was the opinion of von Moltke. The 
aid of a foreign power, he intimated, would be proportionate 
to the Interests of that power. 

It will thus be seen that the Swiss did not rest their neu- 
trality entirely upon the good will of the surrounding powd- 
ers. Added to the natural physical barriers to invasion from 
any quarter, Switzerland's neutrality is respected for the 
reason that her people are united and that they could mo- 
bilize an army of nearly half a million men on any border. 
No one doubts that if Switzerland had been weak in a mili- 
tary sense as Belgium and Luxemburg were weak, Germany 
would not have hesitated to invade her. 


One of the most galling things to Switzerland was the 
establishment of a blockade in 19 15 which the United States 
joined two years later. There was established La Societe 
Suisse de Surveillance which had charge under Allied super- 
vision of all articles purchased by Switzerland, to prevent 
their diversion into Germany. The Allies showed a gener- 
ous disposition to supply Switzerland with the necessaries of 
life, provided none of them were sent to the enemy across the 
Rhine. Switzerland was obliged to accept this condition, 
but some of her people considered it a limitation of her inde- 
pendence, as their country was not supposed to enter into 
any political or economic compact. Strong letters of dissent 
proceeded from the army, protesting against the blockade 
and declaring that Switzerland, which should remain neutral 
and independent, was now compelled to negotiate with one 
set of powers against the other. Switzerland, they charged, 
was submitting to dictation, her boasted neutrality had de- 
generated into voluntary mutilation of the state. A part of 
the army was ready to rebuke this evidence of cowardice, this 
appalling decadence of the old Swiss spirit. 

So Switzerland could complain that, although its frontier 
was not yet menaced, still its industry was stopped; its right 
to live was challenged; it was cut off from earning its liveli- 
hood. Economic trouble was more deadly than cannon for 
a brave people. In the blockade the independence of Swit- 
zerland was more difficult to defend. She was wounded in 
her sorest point, her neutrality and independence, and her 
right to trade where and with whom she pleased. 

The sympathy of Switzerland, or a majority of Switzer- 
land, was with Germany in the European War without a 
doubt. Three-fourths of the country was German. What 
was true of the city of Basel was true of all of German 
Switzerland. This stately cits with an ancient university 
that honored the memory of Erasmus; with its art galleries 
keeping green the tradition of Holbein; this city adhered to 
its belief in final German victory. 

The sounds of war were plainly heard in Basel. Often 
the grinding of heavy artillery could be detected from the 


valley where the Germans were trying to pound a rift in 
the French line in the Vosges Mountains. Buildings in 
Basel would rattle and now and then a flying machine would 
dot the horizon across the border dodging the white flakes 
which burst and spread, representing bombs thrown up from 
the guns which were trained upon the slow moving ships 
in the air. 

The handsome bridges over the river were picketed. 
The beautiful Holbein pictures in the museum were carried 
away for safe keeping and a stray ray from a German search 
light would break out from the deep blue of the Alsatian 
Mountains. At Altkirch the guns pealed day and night, 
sometimes reaching the maximum at midnight. All this could 
be plainly detected in the Swiss city on the Rhine. German 
soldiers walked the streets as internes, but they could look 
across the river at German hills and enjoy the confidence 
that soon they would be at home with their victorious army. 
The bankers, clergy, university professors, doctors and law- 
yers, capitalists and heads of the police department were 
mainly pro-German. 

The sympathies of French Switzerland, of course, were 
with the Allies. And yet, in the Franco-Prussian War of 
1870 the sympathies of the German Swiss were hostile to 
Prussia, while French Switzerland was ardently pro-German. 
The expression of many papers in German Switzerland, 
which were frankly favorable to France, provoked a pro- 
test from German papers across the Rhine. The truth is 
that the little republic of Switzerland did not then wish to 
be absorbed or influenced in any way by the overweaning 
power of the nations on her frontier. When France was 
strong and dangerous the French Swiss, of course, were the 
first to be aware of it and the first to feel the danger. For 
the same reason the German Swiss at first resented the 
penetration of Prussia. What the German Swiss feared in 
1870 had really come about in 19 14. Germany had pushed 
its influence and its culture far into Switzerland. It had 
thrown its business enterprises across the Rhine; it had in- 
vested its money in Swiss banks and Swiss factories. It had 


sent Its professors to instruct the youth in every city. Indeed, 
a large part of Switzerland had already succumbed to Ger- 
man influence. So French Switzerland now recognized that 
it was Germany and not France it had to fear. For the same 
reason that they were suspicious of France in 1870 they 
were more distrustful of Germany in 19 14. The sign- 
ficant fact was in entire opposition to race ties in 1870, and 
just the opposite of the situation in 19 14. 

Naturally there was great interest in Switzerland over the 
formation of the League of Nations provided for in the 
peace pact at Paris. 

In December, 19 19, the entrance of Switzerland Into the 
League of Nations was affirmed by two-thirds majority in 
Parliament and in the final referendum before the people 
this decision was ratified by a decided vote. 

Switzerland said that the Pact of Paris was not an ideal 
society, even though guarantees had been offered to that 
country. Yet she hoped by going in to perfect it, to render 
it more universal, more liberal and more hostile to future 
wars. It was not exactly what she wished but It was a step 
in the right direction. The majority of the people con- 
cluded that Switzerland could not remain outside of a so- 
ciety of nations without peril. If she refused to adhere to it 
the country would remain Isolated In Europe, would have to 
support a large army; would be compelled to renounce the 
guarantee of neutrality offered by the great powers In 18 15. 
It would be to place an obstacle in the way of humanity. It 
was not only ratified by two-thirds of the Parliament, but 
the treaty was referred to the people. The majority of the 
cantons where German is spoken were naturally suspicious of 
a treaty made in Paris and whose headquarters w^ere in 
Geneva, the metropolis of French Switzerland. The Social- 
ists opposed It because they feared It would permanently 
block their movement against the capitalists. However, In a 
vote of nearly 740,000 the majorit}^ in favor of the League 
was 90,000. German Switzerland gave an adverse majority. 
In French and Italian Switzerland the favorable vote was 
six to one. But the choice of the cantons was close. The 


League was carried by a vote of thirteen to twelve, for in 
a referendum a popular majority and a majority of the can- 
tons both are necessary. So, Switzerland, the birthplace of 
the Red Cross, had succeeded for generations, in spite of 
her people, diverse in race, language and religion, in realiz- 
ing a society of nations in miniature. It seemed to have 
logically carried out the complex and delicate international 
organism which exemplified the highest justice among men 
and governments. In no land could there be found tradi- 
tions and usages better suited to the ideals of the Treaty of 
Versailles. The selection of Geneva as a site was a happy 

In the Hotel de Ville, Geneva, is Alabama Hall. Here 
the first convention of the Red Cross was signed. On a 
tablet one reads: 'Tn this Hall, on the 22nd of August, 
1864, the Convention at Geneva securing the amelioration 
of the condition of wounded soldiers on the battlefield, was 
concluded and signed." There is an oil painting showing 
the representatives of the Powers at the moment of the 
signing of this famous treaty. It was here, too, that the 
historic award was concluded which put an end, by arbitra- 
tion, to the conflict between the United States and Great 
Britain. On a second tablet one reads: "In this Hall on 
the 14th of September, 1872, the Arbitration Tribunal con- 
stituted according to the treaty of Washington^ pronounced 
on the Alabama claims, thus settling, by peaceful means, the 
differences between the United States and Great Britain." 

Switzerland, which formed a union of all nationalities, 
entertained the hope of uniting the nations of the world. 
It longed to play an International role in the rapprochement 
of Europe. They saw a superb mission which their little 
country could fill, a mission eminently pacific, based upon the 
confidence which all nations felt In them. So when Geneva 
was chosen, through the influence of President Wilson, as 
the home and headquarters of the League of Nations, there 
was general rejoicing In the Alpine Repubhc. The great 
question received a strong Impetus in the world when the 
favorable verdict of Switzerland was recorded. This coun- 


try is the birthplace of the International Postal Union, or- 
ganized in 1874 in Berne, and is the headquarters of several 
international agreements. 

Much interest was developed in Switzerland when it was 
found that President Wilson was really coming to Paris 
and would assist in the proceedings of the Peace Conference. 

If there was one man in the world who had won the ad- 
miration and the confidence of the Swiss people, that man 
was the President of the United States. They had followed 
with approbation his course throughout the war. While he 
was a neutral they had promptly and enthusiastically en- 
dorsed his peace message addressed to the belligerents in 
December, 19 16. Although they had refused all overtures 
from peace societies and pacifists in Germany to use their 
good offices in any way, the Government at Berne rushed to 
the side of President Wilson when he issued his famous 
peace offer during the Christmas season. 

In May, 19 17, Switzerland asked Germany to give safe 
conduct to ships leaving America laden with wheat for Switz- 
erland. Though without a seacoast or a ship, Switzerland, 
we are told, had recognized rights on the sea as a neutral na- 
tion; the Treaty of Paris of 1856 respecting neutral flags, 
neutral goods on vessels of belligerents and blockade was 
also entered into by the Swiss Government in the same year. 

Irritated, however,' by the blockade of the Allies and 
piqued probably because Switzerland had to depend upon 
the Allies for food, Germany hesitated. Berlin explained 
that the necessary orders could not at once be delivered to 
German submarine commanders to spare the wheat ships. 
The submarines were scattered all over the seas and vessels 
from America with food for Switzerland would run the or- 
dinary risk for three months of being torpedoed. 

As soon as the Government in Washington was informed 
of this situation by the American Legation in Berne, Wash- 
ington responded by a ''beau geste'' which, according to the 
Journal de Geneve, was altogether worthy of President 
Wilson; for the provisioning of Switzerland was assured in 
spite of Germany. 



"Very well," the United States answered, "we will assume 
the risk. Wheat vessels destined to the oldest of the Euro- 
pean Republics will be convoyed by ships of war of the 
United States." 

Already In promising Switzerland wheat without insist- 
ing upon compensation, America had shown her generosity 
in a time of stress and need. The United States themselves 
were scanty of rations. 

Now, the President had boldly made this declaration in 
the face of his enemies. He placed in peril his own crews 
to protect the Swiss wheat. "He testified to a very practical 
sympathy for our country," said the Swiss, "and today the 
debt of Switzerland towards the United States has increased 
in proportion to the dangers which American sailors run 
upon the waves of the Atlantic to safeguard our Interests." 

The gratitude of the people was manifestly excited by 
this generous assurance authorized by the Department of 
State, and a beautiful silver medal was struck off In Switzer- 
land in honor of the event. On one side en has relief was the 
figure of a dove flying across the ocean with a sheaf of 
wheat. Above the dove was displayed the flag of the 
United States fading into clouds. On the reverse side was 
the Swiss cross with the words : 

"To the President and People of the United States of 
America: The gratitude of the Swiss families. 191 8." 

Realizing that America had called its bluff and that Amer- 
ica's action showed off splendidly by the side of its own half- 
hearted tactics, the German Legation declared In print 
through the Swiss papers that America's promise was a 
grand stand play; that Germany did not intend to torpedo 
the Swiss ships after all. 

They were not at one with President Wilson when he 
decided to break relations with Germany and enter the war, 
mainly because they feared that their food from America 
would be cut off. But they came to his support when they 
realized that America was anxious to continue to supply 
them as far as possible and they were struck with the vigor 
with which he had prosecuted the war. As the Journal de 



Geneve had said, "Although misunderstood and misrepre- 
sented during nearly three years, the President of the United 
States has conducted the politics of his country with an en- 
e-rgy and clarity worthy of all admiration/' The condi- 
tions he laid down for the Armistice stamped him as a broad, 
liberal man. People spoke of Woodrow Wilson with rever- 

Accordingly, the Swiss Parliament, desiring to recognize 
the great value of American aid during the war and to 
honor the head of the American nation, addressed a mes- 
sage of welcome on the twelfth of December, 191 8, to 
President Wilson coming to participate In the negotiations 
of the Treaty of Peace. 

The city and canton of Geneva forwarded him a special 
invitation to visit that city which had been the cradle of the 
Red Cross and which was to be the seat of the League of 

The consistory of the Cathedral of St. Pierre where Cal- 
vin preached besought him by the faith of his fathers to pay 
a visit to that historic place. Numerous private letters were 
received from Swiss peasants extolling the President of the 
United States for his great work and begging him even to 
come to their humble home. One of the most affecting 
tributes was paid by a local painter who had never seen the 
President, but who arranged a composite of his photo- 
graphs. From these he painted a life sized portrait which 
was beautifully framed and which he requested to be for- 
warded to Brest, there to hang In the Grand Salon of the 
President's steamship, George Washington. 

The President of the Swiss Republic went to Paris to 
meet President Wilson and was gratified beyond measure at 
his reception. He found the latter sympathetic with the 
peculiar situation of Switzerland, a country whose neutrality 
had been guaranteed and whose status was largely depend- 
ent upon its neighbors. They were particularly obligated 
to him for his Influence In settling upon Geneva as the home 
of the League of Nations, and a touching telegram was 
Indicted by the Swiss delegation of the World's Peace 


Congress In Geneva In December 1920, extending warm 
greetings to President Wilson in his sick room at Washing- 

At the arsenal In Solothurn there Is a striking representa- 
tion upon which the Swiss delight to look. The subject Is the 
Diet of Stans where the Swiss confederates met after their 
victory over Charles of Burgundy In 1481. The object of 
the meeting was to reach an agreement as to division of the 
spoils after that remarkable triumph. History says that 
the conference was not successful at first and the Swiss con- 
federates were about to break up In disagreement and dis- 
order when "Brother Klaus," a venerable monk, appeared 
and besought the allies to resume their work In amity. He 
Intervened at the psychological moment; the conference was 
resumed; an agreement perfected and the delegates parted 
In peace. Everything depended on common agreement and 
good will. The promise of mutual aid and assistance was re- 
newed, especially when one member attacked another. 
There were memorials In Switzerland to the work of the 
great peacemaker whose example has thrilled hlg country for 
generations, and so Switzerland regarded the coming of 
Woodrow Wilson to Paris as a repetition of the mission of 
St. Nikolaus von der Flue. 

One of the features In the Treaty of Stans was that no 
one in the confederation should make secret treaties or en- 
courage dangerous agitation. "Open covenants openly ar- 
rived at" were established and those of the confederation 
who violated this condition were to be punished according 
to their fault. To familiarize the rising generation with 
the league which bound the several states together, It was 
agreed that it should be sworn to every five years. All the 
cantons obliged themselves to succor one another in the 
support of the form of government then established In each 
of them. In fact, the history of Switzerland affords fre- 
quent instances of mutual aid for these purposes. This 
seems to be confirmation of the principle of Article X of the 
League of Nations adopted over four hundred years later, 
by which the parties to the agreement undertook to respect 


and preserve as against external aggression the territorial : 

integrity and existing political independence of all members 
of the League. So Switzerland, in endorsing the League of 
Nations in 19 19, was really returning to first principles. In 
consequence of the intervention of the hermit priest the 
Diet of Stans was not fruitless, for the commissioners re- 
sumed their labors and brought them to a successful termina- 
tion by drawing up the memorable covenant. The excited 
delegates were persuaded to listen to the words of reconcilia- 
tion and peace as uttered by Brother Klaus. 

No wonder that the great Nickolaus von der Flue has 
been handed down on the artist's canvas and in historic 
statuary. Chapels have been erected in his name and poems 
have been written. But better than all, his principles have 
been perpetuated. The priest's charter was affirmed when 
Switzerland ratified the League of Nations in December, 
1919. Switzerland registered again the voice of the Diet 
of Stans. It was the call of Unterwalden to Versailles. 

Switzerland was to find the echo centuries later when the 
storm which swept the world had slept. 

"And Jura answers through her misty shroud 
Back to the joyous Alps, which call to her aloud." 

GEORGIA FROM 1890 TO 1920. 

Geological Survey of Alabama. 

The March number of the Quarterly contained an ac- 
count of the condition and progress of agriculture in upper 
Georgia from 1850 to 1880, chiefly deduced from govern- 
ment census figures. The present paper, based on the decen- 
nial censuses of 1890 to 1920 inclusive, brings the story 
practically down to the present time. The methods of divid- 
ing the area into natural regions and tabulating and digest- 
ing the data were discussed in the former article, and need 
not be repeated here, but changed conditions and innova- 
tions in the census returns will be explained at the proper 

A few works dealing with conditions in upper Georgia, 
or the whole state, at a later period than those cited in the 
first paper, should be mentioned here. R. T. Nesbitt, com- 
missioner of agriculture, published in 1896 an illustrated 
handbook of nearly 500 pages, entitled ''Georgia : Her Re- 
sources and Possibilities." It seems to be quite rare, and it is 
not cited in Brooks's Preliminary Bibliography of Georgia 
History (19 10), or in the Bibliography of Georgia geology 
and geography in Bulletin 39, of the Geological Survey of 
Georgia (1922). About five years later the same depart- 
ment published another handbook about twice as large, 
"Georgia Historical and Industrial," by O. B. Stevens and 
R. F. Wright. That is well printed, and contains among 
other things a description of each county, with numerous un- 
digested statistics of population and agriculture taken from 
the U. S. census of 1 900 ; but it was made unnecessarily bulky 
and expensive by the Inclusion of a considerable number of 
colored plates of fruits, poultry,' etc., which convey no in- 
formation about conditions in Georgia. Since then there 
have emanated from the same office several smaller hand- 


books which are probably now scarce, and hardly need to 
be mentioned here. 

A Ph. D. dissertation by E. M. Banks, ''Economics of 
Land Tenure in Georgia," published by the Columbia Uni- 
versity Press in 1905, bears directly on some of our agricul- 
tural problems. 

A profusely Illustrated and cloth-bound but grotesquely 
shaped book entitled "Facts about Georgia," published for 
sale by the Georgia Chamber of Commerce early in 19 17, 
contains a variety of information, but no map of the state 
or any part thereof, and It is probably scarce already. The 
writer contributed to It an eight-page chapter on forests, 
with brief descriptions of the natural regions of the state. 
In School Science and Mathematics (Chicago) for Novem- 
ber, 19 1 8, I had an article entitled "A new method of map- 
ping complex geographical features, illustrated by some 
maps of Georgia." This contains four regional maps, 
one showing counties, railroads, etc., much like the one 
used in the present series of articles, and the others show- 
ing the prevailing soils, trees and crops in each region. In 
the High School Quarterly (Athens, Ga.) for July, 1919, 
I published a study of the distribution of illiteracy in Geor- 
gia, using the same regional map as in the last, and giving 
among other things the average value of white and negro 
farm buildings in each region In 1910.^ 

In Harper's Magazine for April and May, 1920, there 
is an article entitled "Marching through Georgia," by 
Stephen Graham. The author walked most of the way 
from Atlanta to Savannah in the fall of 1919, following 
Sherman's route, and his narrative, though more or less 
interesting, magnifies the faults and belittles the virtues 
of nearly everything he saw (and some things he did not 
see), and uses uncomplimentary adjectives wherever possi- 
ble. ^ His point of view is typical of that of a great many 

1 In the case of these last two papers I was not given the opportunity to read 
proof and order reprints, but I soon afterward had them reprinted privately, with 
necessary corrections. 

2 For example, he characterizes the main line of the Georgia Railroad which 
IS or has been one of the most efficiently managed in this country, as a "wretched 
single track" and sneers at it for following essentially the same well-chosen route 
that It did before the Civil War. 



outsiders who attempt to pass judgment on the South with 
a very limited knowledge of the facts. 

Map showing geographical or agricultural divisions of Georgia. 
Only those north of the fall line are discussed in this article. The 
small areas without names in the northwestern portion are Sand and 
Lookout Mountains, representing the Cumberland Plateau, with a 
narrow strip of the Appalachian Valley between them (in Dade 
County), and an outlier of the Blue Ridge along the line between Polk 
and Paulding Counties. The railroads and county boundaries are 
shown as they were in 1885. 

-"^"'^^^^ •' M 


The counties in Georgia in 1890 were the same as in 
1880.^ The kinds of information given by the census were 
much the same> too, but the data will be handled a little 
differently here, on account of changing conditions, princi- 
pally the increasing proportion of negro farmers. The 
same map is used as before, its background dating from 

The cities and towns by this time had become so numer- 
ous that they will not be listed again, but instead the per- 
centage of the population of each region living in communi- 
ties of different sizes will be given. First, cities with over 
8,000 inhabitants, which was used as the lower limit of 
urban population in 1880 and 1890. The next dividing 
point is 2,500, which has been the arbitrary limit of urban 
population in the census since 1900. The third group in- 
cludes all other incorporated places with more than 1,000 

The enumeration of farms is said to have been less com- 
plete in 1890 than in 1880, but it is difficult to discover any 
evidence of that in the Georgia figures. 

On account of the increasing proportion of negro farm- 
ers since emancipation, statistics of the average farms of 
both races combined now mean very little, but the races 
were not separated in the agricultural statistics of 1890. 
So instead of computing the acreage, value of property, 
number of animals, etc., per farm, the ratios are now given 
per square mile. And a column giving the same data for the 
whole state in 1880 is added to the first table, to show what 
changes had taken place in these respects in ten years, and 
also to establish a better connection between this article and 
the first one. For each region the percentage of increase of 
population since 1880 is also given. Separate figures for 

1 To save the reader the trouble of looking (through several pages of the former 
article to pick out the names of the counties used to typify each region, they will 
be listed again here all together, as follows : 

Appalachian Valley :— Bartow, Catoosa, Chattooga, Dade. Floyd, Gordon, Murray, 
Polk, Walker, Whitfield. 

Blue Ridge : — Fannin, Gilmer, Pickens, Raibun, Towns, Union. 

Upper Piedmont :— Banks, Campbell, Carroll, Cherokee, Clayton, Cobb, DeKalb, 
Douglas, Fayette, Forsyth, Franklin, Fulton, Gwinnett, Habersham, Hall, Haralson, 
Hart, Jackson, Madison, Milton, Paulding, Walton. 

Lower Piedmont : — Baldwin, Butts, Columbia, Greene, Hancock, Harris, Jasper, 
Jones, Lincoln, McDufiBe, Meriwether, Monroe, Morgan, Oglethorpe, Pike, Putnam, 
Spalding, Talbot, Taliaferro, Troup, Upson, Warren, Wilkes. 



turkeys, geese and ducks on farms are available for the first 
time In 1890, but those birds are so few in comparison with 
chickens that they will be lumped together. 

(In all the tables in which different regions are contrasted, the 
printers inadvertently set the highest number in each line in italics and 
the lowest in heavy type, just the reverse of what was done in the two 
preceding articles. But it would be so much trouble to re-set seven 
tables that they have been allowed to stand as they are. ) 


Agricultural Statistics of Upper Georgia, 1889-90. 

^ fa 

Whole State 
1890 I 1880 

Inhabitants per square mile . . 
Per cent increase since 1880 . . 
Per cent white 

Per cent colored 

Per cent in cities of over 8,000 
Per cent in cities of 2,500-8,000 
Per cent in cities of 1,000-2,500 
Per cent of land improved .... 
Improved acres per inhabitant 
Value of farm land and bldgs. 

per square mile 

Value of implements and ma- 
chinery per square mile . . 
Value of live-stock per sq. m. 
No. of horses per sq. mile. . . . 
No. of mules per sq. mile .... 
No. of work oxen per sq. mile 
No. of milch cows per sq. mile 
No. of other cattle per sq. mile 
No. of sheep per sq. mile .... 

No. of hogs per sq. mile 

No. of chickens per sq. mile . . 
No. of other poultry per sq. m. 
Cost of fertilizers per sq. m... 
Value of f. products per sq. m. 
Cost of fertilizer per impr. acre 
Value of farm products per 

impr. acre 

Per cent of impr. land in cotton 
Per cent of impr. land in corn 
Per cent of impr. land in oats 
Per cent of impr. land in wheat 

Bales of cotton per acre 

Bushels of corn per acre 

Bushels of oats per acre 

Bushels of wheat per acre .... 












































































































































From Table i it appears that every region in upper 
Georgia increased substantially in population between 1880 
and 1890, and the proportions of whites and negroes did not 
change much. The cities grew faster than the country, as 
usual, and although in the whole state there appears to have 
been a slight decrease in the 1,000 to 2,500 class, that is 
easily explained by several places which had a little less 
than 2,500 people in 1880 getting above that limit by 1890. 
The only city with over 8,000 was Atlanta, but that already 
had over one-sixth of the population of the Upper Piedmont. 
(Of course the fall-line cities of Augusta, Macon and Colum- 
bus belong partly to the Lower Piedmont, and if the coun- 
ties containing them had been included it would have made 
a considerable difference in the urban population,' as well as 
a little difference in farm values, etc.) 

The percentage of improved land increased, by clearing 
away the forests, in every region, at approximately the same 
rate as the population. The value of farm property in- 
creased too, though the census figures do not show that ade- 
quately, on account of the fall in prices of commodities 
which had been in progress ever since the seventies. 

The number of four-footed animals, except sheep and 
hogs, increased in most regions. The number of chickens 
more than trebled in every region, if the census figures are 
correct (but I have seen no explanation of such a great 
change, and there may be some mistake about it), but other 
poultry fell off. It is interesting to note (though I have not 
brought it out in the tables and cannot explain it) that the 
upper Piedmont had only about half as many turkeys as 
ducks, and one and a half times as many geese as ducks, 
while the lower Piedmont had six times as many turkeys 
and eight times as many geese as ducks. 

The expenditure for fertilizer per improved acre re- 
mained about the same as in 1880, but the quantity used 
must have been somewhat greater. There was little in- 
crease in the value of products per acre, even when the 
decline of prices is taken into consideration. There was 
a growing tendency to specialize in cotton, except in the 
lower Piedmont, while corn, oats and wheat fell off in every 


region. But of course the acreage and yield of every crop 
fluctuates from year to year, and the census years may have 
been above or below normal in those respects. The yield 
of corn and oats per acre seems to have increased and that 
of wheat decreased, but all that may have been due to 
weather, insects, or something of the sort. 

The census of 1900 brought several innovations. Most 
significant for our purposes is that the number of white and 
colored farmers was given for the first time, and quite a 
variety of data about them for whole states, but nothing 
by counties except classifying them by tenure. ("Colored'* 
includes Indians and Mongolians as wxll as negroes, but 
there are not enough red and yellow farmers in Georgia to 
affect the ratios perceptibly.) 

The value of farm buildings was now separated from 
that of land and fences, so that for the first time we can 
calculate the average value of farm land per acre. (But 
even yet separate values are not given for improved and un- 
improved land, which of course differ considerably.) Some 
of the animals were divided into several classes according to 
age, sex, etc. (eight for cattle alone), but that is more detail 
than it is practicable to use in a magazine of this sort, so 
that those distinctions will be ignored for the present. Goats 
and bees are now returned for the first time. 

The counties were the same as in 1890, and I have not de- 
tected any errors in either census. 

In Table 2 the value of property, number of animals, etc., 
in each region is given per square mile as before, but an- 
other table (3) is added to show the contrasts between white 
and colored farmers in the whole state, such data not being 
available for separate regions or counties in 1900. For this 
table separate figures could have been computed for the 
various tenure classes of each race ,but that would have been 
tiresome for both writer and reader, and would be more 
appropriate for an agricultural or economic than a histor- 
ical treatise. Likewise a mass of detail could have been 
given about the acreage and yield of different crops in each 
region, but that too would have been too much of an under- 



taking. (Some such data for 19 19 are given farther on, 


General Agricultural Statistics of Upper Georgia, 


a > 

I i 

Inhabitants per square mile . . 
Per cent increase since 1890 

Per cent white 

Per cent colored 

Per cent in cities of over 2,500 













Per cent of land improved 

Improved acres per inhabitant 

Per cent of farmers white 

Per cent of white farmers owners . . . 
Per cent of white farmers cash tenants 
Per cent of w. farmers share tenants 
Per cent of colored farmers owners.. 
Per cent of c. farmers cash tenants . . 
Per cent of c. farmers share tenants . . 
Value of farm land per acre ($) .... 
Value of farm property per sq. m. ($) 



















No. of horses per sq. mile 

No. of mules per sq. mile 

No. of cattle per sq. mile 

No. of sheep per sq. mile 

No. of goats per sq mile 

No. of hogs per sq. mile 

No. of chickens and guineas per sq. m. 

No. of other poultry per sq. mile 

No. of colonies of bees per sq. mile . . 
Cost of labor per improved acre ($) . . 
Cost of fertilizers per impr. acre ($) 
Value of products not fed to stock, 
per improved acre 


















6.90 9.66 

















The population continued to increase, particularly in the 
upper Piedmont, where Atlanta and other cities were grow- 
ing rapidly. The percentage of improved land increased a 
little, except, in the lower Piedmont^ which is now surpassed 
by the upper Piedmont in that respect. The number of 
improved acres per inhabitant decreased a little in every 
region, on account of the growth of cities and increased in- 
tensity of farming. 



The percentage of whites among farm operators was 
everywhere greater than in the aggregate population, show- 
the tendency of rural negroes (at that place and time, but 
not necessarily everywhere and always) to be hired labor- 
ers rather than farm owners or tenants. There were more 
tenants than owners, even among the whites, except in the 
mountains, where land was cheap and therefore easy to 

The value of farm property per square mile seems to have 
increased in most of the regions, although average prices 
were lower in 1900 than in 1890 (and almost the lowest in 
the whole history of the United States, the bottom having 
been reached in 1896-7, just before the opening up of the 
Klondike and a few other important gold fields.) 

In most of the regions the number of horses, mules and 
cattle increased and sheep, hogs and poultry decreased, 
but that may not mean much, except in the case of sheep^ 
which in the South and West are raised mostly on free range 
and were steadily losing ground with the extension of the 
cultivated area. In the whole state only about 7% of the 
horses and 3% of the mules were under two years old, 
showing that these animals were no longer raised much in 
Georgia, but mostly imported. The percentage of young 
animals was above the state average though In the Appala- 
chian Valley, where conditions are more like those in Ken- 
tucky and Missouri, and in the Blue Ridge, where difficul- 
ties of transportation compel the farmers to depend more on 
their own resources. 

The differences between white and colored farmers 
(Table 3) are just about what we should expect from two 
races differing so In efficiency and standards of living. Some 
northern writers have given the negro special credit for 
having a larger proportion of his land improved than the 
white man, but that Is doubtless merely because he cannot 
afford to own or rent much wild land, and has fewer cattle 
to be pastured. For this reason his land is usually worth a 
little more per acre than that of the average white man in 
the same region. There Is not as much difference in value 
of products per acre as one who had not given the matter 



any thought might expect, for the negroes improved land Is 
necessarily assessed at about the same figure as that of his 
white neighbor, and if he did not make nearly as much off 
of it he would be unable to pay the rent or taxes. The dif- 
ference between the two races is much more in the number of 
acres cultivated than in the production per acre. It seems 
that the ratio between efficiency and standards of living is 
much the same for whites as for negroes, all over the South, 
which tends to keep their relative numbers about the same 
from year to year when there is no disturbing influence. 
(If a race of farmers with high efficiency combined with low 


Statistics of White and Colored Farmers in Georgia, 


I White I Colored 

Per cent of total 

Average number of acres per farm 

Average number of improved acres per farm . . . . . 

Value of farm land per acre ($) 

Value of land per farm ($) , 

Value of buildings per farm ($) , 

Value of implements and machinery ($) , 

Value of live-stock ($) , 

Per cent of farms specializing in cotton 

Per cent of farms specializing in hay and grain . . , 

Per cent of farms specializing in live-stock 

Cost of labor (1899) per farm ($) , 

Cost of fertilizers per farm ($) 

Value of products not fed to live-stock, per farm 

Cost of labor (1899) per improved acre 1900 , 

Cost of fertilizers per improved acre 1900 , 

Value of p r oducts not f ed, per improved acre 1900 

Number of horses per farm , 

Number of mules per farm 

Number of dairy cows per farm , 

Number of other cows per farm , 

Number of other cattle per farm 

Number of sheep per farm 

Number of goats per farm 

Number, of hogs per farm , 

Acres of cotton per farm , 

Acres of corn per farm 

Acres of oats per farm 

Acres of wheat per farm 

Bales of cotton per acre 

Bushels of corn per acre 

Bushels of oats per acre 

Bushels of wheat per acre 




































































standards of living, like the Japanese, should once get a foot- 
hold, they might crowd out many of the whites and negroes.) 
About 1905 the new-county fever broke out in Georgia, 
after being dormant for a quarter of a century, but it re- 
sulted in only one new county in the northern half of the 
state, namely, Stephens, in the upper Piedmont. As that is 
entirely surrounded by other upper Piedmont counties. It 
made no difference in the area, but simply made one more 
row of figures to be copied and added. 

The census of 19 10 was the most complete we have had so 
far. It was taken in April instead of in June as before, 
probably so as to find more city people at home, but the 
new date was of no particular advantage for an agricul- 
tural census, unless the farmers could remember their opera- 
tions of the year before better in April than In June. On 
account of many farm animals being born in spring, their 
numbers in April of one year are not closely comparable 
with those In June of another.* 

The 13 th census gave the expenditures for stock feed for 
the first time, and more details about crops and animal 
products than ever before; and In a special volume published 
late in 19 18 the farming operations of whites and negroes 
In 1900-10 were analyzed In considerable detail, by counties. 
There Is Indeed more Information In the reports of that 
census than we can conveniently use ; for example, the classi- 
fication of animals by age and sex, statistics of farm mort- 
gages, and many details about crops. But the value of each 
crop in each county is not given, so that if one wished to de- 
termine the relative Importance of different crops in each 
region, It would be necessary to assume that the values per 
bushel or other unit are the same throughout the state, and 
multiply the regional totals by the state average values per 
unit. Some of the crops cannot even be compared on an 
acreage basis, for the acreage in peaches, apples, etc., is 
not given, but Instead the number of trees. Worse still, 

4 November would Keem to be the best month for a census in the United States, 
except in the coldest and warraest portions. For then nearly everybody is at home, 
and the crops are mostly made, and the statsitics of acreage, fertilizers, crops, etc., 
■would all pertain to the same year. 



several important crops, such as tomatoes, cabbage, water- 
melons, cantaloupes and numerous others are lumped to- 
gether In the county tables under the head of "vegetables." 

One serious error in the 19 lo census figures for upper 
Georgia has been noticed. The receipts from the sale of 
animals in Cherokee County are given as $685,884, which 
is about one-tenth of the state total, and more than the 
total value of live-stock in that county given on another 
page. But I have recently ascertained by correspondence 


General Agricultural Statistics of Upper Georgia, 









Inhabitants per square mile 

Per cent increase since 1900 

Per cent white 

Per cent colored 

Per cent in cities of over 2,500 













Per cent of land improved 
















Improved acres per inhabitant 

Value of farm land per acre ($) 

Value of farm property per sq. mile . . 


Number of horses per square mile . . . 
Number of mules per square mile . . . 
Number of dairy cows per square mile 
Number of other cattle per square mile 

Number of sheep per square mile 

Number of goats per square mile 

Number of hogs per square mile 

Number of poultry per square mile . . 
Number of colonies of bees per sq. m. 











5 .2 



Av. value of horses per head ($) 

Av. value of mules per head ($) 

Av. value of cattle per head ($) 

Av. value of sheep per head ($) 

Av. value of goats per head ($) 

Av. value of hogs per head 

Av. value of poultry per head ($) 
























Cost of labor and board per impr. acre .59 .29 

Cost of fertilizers per impr acre .62 .25 

Cost of feed per impr. acre 29 .30 

Value of crops per impr. acre 12.90 9.41 

Value of animal products per impr. a. 3.11 4.33 



















that the correct figure is probably $55,884, and that has been 
used accordingly. 

In Table 4 the values of farm property and number of 
animals have been calculated per square mile as before, and 
a section is added for the value of animals per head, which 
shows some interesting differences between different regions. 
In Table 5 is set forth the number per farm and average 
value per head of different kinds of animals belonging to 
white and colored farmers in the whole state, these data not 
being available by counties. 


i Statistics of Live-Stock on Farms of White and Colored 

Farmers in Georgia, 19 10. 


Number of horses per farm 

Number of mules per farm 

Number of dairy cows per farm 

Number of other cattle per farm . . . . 

Number of sheep per farm 

Number of goats per farm 

Number of hogs per farm 

Number of poultry per farm 

Number of colonies of bees per farm 


Value of 

value of horses per head ($) . 
value of mules per head ($) . . 
value of cattle per head ($) . 
value of sheep per head ($) . 
value of goats per head ($) . 
value of hogs per had ($) . . . . 
value of poultry per head ($) 
all animals per farm ($) . . . . 

















Tables 6 and 7 give nearly all the information about 
white and negro farmers in each region that can be extracted 
from the special volume on negro population previously 
mentioned. The census unfortunately has not published 
for 19 10 (or any other period) the production and sale of 
milk, eggs, meat, etc., for the two races separately, even 
by states, although at the beginning of the third agricul- 
tural table for each southeastern state there are two empty 
columns (headed white and colored) which could have been 
filled with such information as easily as not. Thus a great 
opportunity to compare the dietary standards of the two 




races was let slip. For the difference between the amount 
produced and the amount sold, divided by the number of 
farms, gives approximately the amount consumed by the 
average farm family in the census year. 

Between 1900 and 19 10 the population of all regions in 
upper Georgia except the Blue Ridge increased as usual^ 
especially in the cities, and the proportions of whites and 
negroes remained about the same. The ratio of improved 
land to population did not change much. The 13th Census 
was the first one to give separate figures for foreign-born 
farmers, but it did not give much information about them 
except the numbers of owners, managers, tenants, etc., just 
as the 1 2th census did for colored farmers. They consti- 
tute only a fraction of one per cent of all white farmers in 
Georgia, so that it is not worth while to say much about 
them, but it may be noted in passing that the percentage of 
farm owners among the foreigners was much higher than 
among native whites, in every region. Statistics of rural 
illiteracy show similar differences between natives and for- 

Statistics of White Farmers in Upper Georgia, 1909-10. 

^ >? 

3 1 

Per cent of total in region 

Per cent foreign-born 

Per cent owners and part owners . . . 

Per cent managers 

Per cent tenants 

Average number of acres per farm . . . 
Average number impr. acres per farm 

Value of farm land per acre ($) 

Value of farm land per farm ($) 

Value of buildings per farm ($) 

Value of implements and machiner}'-. . 

Number of dairy cows per farm 

Number of work horses per farm .... 

Number of work mules per farm 

Acres of cotton per farm 

Acres of corn per farm 

Bales of cotton per acre 

Bushels of corn per acre 






















































11.8 I 



elgners in the South — but the relations are reversed in the 
North and West, where foreigners are much more numerous 
and relatively inferior. (Some 1920 statistics for foreign 
farmers will be given farther on.) 

The value of farm land per acre and of farm property 
per square mile apparently more than doubled, but most 
of that was due to increased gold production in Alaska and 
elsewhere, which made money cheaper and caused a rise 
of about 66 2/3% in the average prices of farm products 
during the decade. About 19 10 some of the Georgia papers 
were full of accounts of sales of farm lands at the highest 
prices ever known (as if their value was just beginning to 
be appreciated) , and at the same time there was a great out- 
cry all over the country about the '^high cost of living," 
which was regarded as a calamity and ascribed to all sorts 
of causes besides the real one, the mere cheapening of money. 
The highest land values are in the upper Piedmont, not be- 
cause of any intrinsic superiority, but simply because the 
population is densest there. 

Horses decreased a little in number, and sheep still more 
so, while mules, cows, hogs and chickens increased. The 
values of animals in different regions show some interesting 
variations. Horses and mules are cheapest in the Blue 
Ridge, probably because there is a larger proportion of 
young animals there than elsewhere, which brings down 
the average. The low value of hogs and sheep in the same 
region is doubtless correlated with the abundance of free 
range, on which inferior animals can be raised at small 
cost. (This will be illustrated still more strikingly in the 
next article, on lower Georgia.) 

The cost of labor increased in about the same proportion 
as other prices, but fertilizers more, presumably indicating 
an increased use of the latter. High expenditures and crop 
values generally go with high land values, so that as popu- 
lation increases agriculture inevitably becomes more inten- 
sive; and the limit of the number of people that can be sup- 
ported by a given area of land is still undetermined. 



Table 5 shows that the negro farmer In Georgia has 
fewer animals of almost every description than his white 
neighbor, and they are apt to be less valuable. Cattle, sheep 
and goats are an apparent exception to the last statement, 
but that is easily explained by the fact that so many of them 
are scrubby animals on free range In the piney woods of 
South Georgia, where the farmers are mostly white. 

Statistics of Negro Farmers in Upper Georgia, 1909-10. 







Per cent of total in region 








Per cent owners and part owners . . . 
Per cent tenants 


Average number of acres per farm . . . 
Average number impr. acres per farm 

Value of farm land per acre ($) 

Vaule of farm land per farm ($) 

Value of buildings per farm 

Value of implements and machinery.. 











Number of dairy cows per farm 

Number of work horses per farm . . . 

Number of work mules per farm 

Acres of cotton per farm 

Acres of corn per farm 

Bales of cotton per acre 











Bushels of corn per acre 


Turning now to the separate tables (6 and 7) for white 
and negro farmers, a few of their salient features may be 
pointed out. The largest farms for both races are In the 
Blue Ridge, but there they consist mostly of cheap wild 
land, so that the total area of farms does not mean much. 
The most improved acres per farm are in the lower Pied- 
mont, showing that the influence of the large plantations of 
ante-bellum days is still felt. In value of land and buildings 
per farm the most prosperous whites are in the lower Pied- 
mont, where there are plenty of negroes to do the work, 
while the most prosperous negroes are In the upper Pied- 
mont, where they have plenty of white neighbors to set 
the pace for them. (White women can be seen working In 


the fields almost any day in the upper Piedmont, but rarely 
if ever in the lower Piedmont.) Both races specialize in 
cotton most in the lower Piedmont, but make the highest 
yields in the upper Piedmont, where the higher land values 
spur them to greater activity. 

By 1920 there was one more county in the upper Piedmont 
(Barrow), but no new ones in the other regions. The 
census of 1920 was taken in January, when a good many 
farmers, especially tenants, had just moved to new locationsi 
and were therefore not prepared to give very accurate in- 
formation about their holdings. (But if they all reported 
their operations of the previous year correctly perhaps no 
serious errors resulted when all the returns were consoli- 
dated.) The whole country was still somewhat unsettled 
on account of the recent world war (the price inflation not 
having reached its peak until the latter half of 1920, and 
some of the social and industrial disturbances being still in 
progress at this writing), so that the 14th Census may not 
have been as accurate as some of its predecessors. The 
value of live-stock products was returned less completely 
than before, figures for animals sold and slaughtered not 
being attempted at all. 

Otherwise the scope of the agricultural census was most 
nearly like that of 1900; white and negro farmers being 
separated in the county tables only as to number and tenure. 
For the whole state the returns are analyzed more minutely, 
though, and there are now some separate figures for foreign 
white farmers of different nationalities. The number of 
female farmers was given for the first time, but that does 
not mean much, for they are probably mostly widows, 
operating farms for a short time between the administra- 
tions of husband and sons. (The principal difference be- 
tween men's and women's farms is that the latter are smaller 
on the average.) For whole states the number of farms 
having telephones, automobiles, etc. was given, but as the 



races are not separated the totals mean very little in the 

Cattle In 1920 were divided into two classes, dairy and 
beef, and then subdivided according to age, sex, etc., as be- 
fore. This was a welcome innovation, but it makes it im- 
practicable to compare the 1920 figures with earlier ones 
unless all cattle are lumped together. 

For the main table (8) the value of farm property and 
General Agricultural Statistics of Upper Georgia, 






a i 

t- 9 





Inhabitants per square mile 

Per cent increase since 1910 

Per cent white 









Per cent colored 

Per cent in cities with over 2500 .... 


Per cent of land improved 

Improved acres per inhabitant 

Per cent of farmers white 


25.9 j 












Per cent of white farmers owners . . . 
Per cent of white farmers tenants . . . 
Per cent of colored farmers owners . . 
Per cent of colored farmers tenants . . 


Value of farm land per acre $) 

Value of farm property per sq. m... 
Number of horses per square mile . . . 
Number of mules per square mile . . . 
Number of beef cattle per square mile 
Number of dairy cattle per square mile 

Number of sheep per square mile 

Number of goats per square mile . . . 
Number of hogs per square mile . . . 
Number of chickens per square mile. . 
Number of other poultry per sq. m.. . 
Number of colonies of bees per sq. m. 











































Cost of labor per improved acre ($) . . 
Cost of fertilizers per impr. acre ($) . . 
Cost of stock feed per impr. acre ($) 
Value of crops per impr. acre ($) . . . 





















1 The number of farms in GTeorgia reporting automobiles was 47,173. If we 
assume that 45,000 of the car-owning farmers were white, which is a conservative 
estimate, about one white farmer in four had a car. This is just about the same 
ratio as in New England. 



number of animals are computed on a per square mile basis, 
for the same reason as in 1890 and 1900. Table 9, which 
could have been combined with 8 if there had been room 
enough on the page, gives the percentage of improved land 
in each of several important crops in 19 19, and the average 
yield per acre, in each region. 

Table 10 gives what ratios are available for native white, 
foreign white and negro farmers in the whole state in 1920. 
The returns for foreigners are less complete than for na- 
tives, or rather total whites, but in the last table (11) a 
few separate figures for different nationalities of foreign 
farmers are given. This last may not seem to have much 
bearing on Georgia history, but if the number of foreigners 
should increase, and similar or more complete data should 
be given by future censuses, it will be interesting to see to 
what extent the same nationalities maintain their relative 
rank in standards of living after they settle in Georgia. 
Similar figures for the same nationalities in other states 


Acreage and Yield of Leading Crops in Upper Georgia, 

1 9 19, BY Regions. 

r3 >» 

0. 'a 

^ a 


Percentage of improved land in 






Irish potatoes 

Sweet potatoes 

Sorghum (for syrup) 

Yield per acre 

Cotton (bales) _ 

Corn (bushels) 

Oats (bushels) 

Wheat (bushels) 

Peanuts (bushels) 

Irish potatoes (bushels) ... 

Sweet potatoes (bushels) . . 

Sorghum (gals, syrup) . . . . , 

















could of course be computed right now, but that would be 
entirely outside of the scope of this paper. 

Between 1910 and 1920 the population decreased again 
in the Blue Ridge, and increased fastest in the upper Pied- 
mont, which has the most cities. (The rate of increase in 
rural population there was only 7%, though, while in the 
lower Piedmont it was practically at a standstill.) The 
percentage of whites increased in every region, for at least 
two independent reasons. The boll-weevil swept across 
the state during the decade and put many negro dotton 
pickers out of business, and the stoppage of immigration 
during the war made a shortage of unskilled and semi-skilled 
labor in northern factories, which was supplied by a great 
migration of negroes from all over the South. Pre-war 
conditions in this respect will probably never be restored, for 
during the war period many labor-saving devices,! such as 
washing machines and tractors, were introduced both in 
the homes and on the farms, and they are not likely to be 
discarded, so that the South can get along very well indefi- 
nitely with fewer negroes than formerly. (If a successful 
cotton-picking machine should ever be invented it would* 
doubtless cause a great slump in the negro population.) 

Improved land changed very little, and improved acres 
per inhabitant decreased in most of the state. In comparing 
values with those of 19 10 it should be borne in mind that on 
account of the inflation of the war period average commodity 
prices of 1920 were just about double those of 19 10; but 
farm property must have gone up a little more than most 
other things, for the value in dollars was more than double 
in every region. 

Horses and sheep decreased in numbers, as in the pre- 
vious decade, while mules, hogs and poultry increased. Some 
of the horses were doubtless replaced by automobiles, but 
tractors do not seem to have superseded mules in Georgia to 
any considerable extent yet. 

The expenditures for labor did not keep pace with the 
rise of prices, showing that more of the farmers did their 
own work in 19 19 than ever before. At the same time the 



expenditures for fertilizer per acre about trebled, which 
may indicate that a larger quantity was used. The expendi- 
tures for feed increased nearly as much. The value of crops 
of course went up in a proportionate manner, but that of 
animal products cannot be estimated, for the reason given 
about three pages back. 

Table 9 brings out a few Interesting points about the acre- 
age and yield of various crops in 19 19. The acreage of 
cotton was about the same as in 1909,? but the yield de- 
creased, owing mostly to the boll-weevil, which entered the 
western part of the state in 1915 and migrated all the way 
across in a few years. The infestation must have been heavi- 
est southward, though, judging by the low yield of cotton in 
the lower Piedmont and especially its western portion, and 
the farmers in the upper Piedmont seem to have made extra 
efforts to get a large yield in spite of the weevil, doubtless 
stimulated by the high price (about 36 cents a pound for the 
whole 1 9 19 crop). Other crops were being substituted for 
cotton in some sections,^ particularly peanuts, the acreage 
and yield of which have both increased largely in Georgia 
since the census first reported on them in 1890. 

TABLE 10. 

Statistics of White and Colored Farmers in 
Georgia, 1920. 




Per cent of total 








Per cent owners and part owners 


Per cent managers 

Per cent tenants 


Per cent of women farmers 


Average number of acres per farm 

Average number improved acres per farm 

Value of farm land per acre ($) 

Value of farm land per farm ($) 

Value of buildings per farm ($) 

Value of implements and machinery 








1 ■ r 

[ 19,200 \ 







Value of live-stock per farm 


1 On a trip from Athens to Macon (mostly through the lower Piedmont) on 
June 21, 1922, I saw very little cotton south of Madison. In Jasper and Jones 
Counties peaches are now one of the most important crops. 




Variations In the yield of most of the other crops may 
be due to vicissitudes of weather, etc., but in the case of 
Irish potatoes, which had a lower yield than usual, it is 
possible that the soils were feeling the effects of a shortage 
of potash brought about by the war. This did not seem to 
affect sweet potatoes, which are commonly grown in poorer 


Selected Statistics of Foreign White Farmers in Georgia, 
1920, BY Principal Nationalities. 

No. of 

% of 

Acres per farm 

Value of 



Land & 



















Canadian _ 
























Irish - 






























Table 10 shows much the same differences between white 
and negro farmers as before, and also that the few foreign 
white farmers in Georgia have larger and better farms than 
average native. It appears from Table 11 that different 
nationalities are very unequal in that respect, but In ordef 
to draw any Important conclusions about them it would be 
necessary to compute similar data for neighboring states, 
and also for the North and West, where foreigners are more 
numerous and often less efficient than in the South. 

In the next article the principal agricultural changes that 
have taken place in the whole state and its several regions 
between 1850 and 1920 will be summed up by means of 
diagrams and otherwise, which ought to give some idea of 
what further developments may be expected in the near 


Edited by 
R. P. BOOOKS. Ph.D. 
University of Georgia. 


Washington City, June 6th, 1857. 
My dear Wife : 

I have at length got a house and I think a good one, and 
in a healthy location. It is on the same street with Mrs. 
Clayton in sight of Gen. Cass on one side and Gov. Floyd 
and Judge Campbell on the other. It is a house belonging 
to Capt. Montgomery of the Navy and I have to pay 
eighteen hundred dollars a year rent for it. When your 
Bro. John was leaving we went through the house together, 
and he preferred it to any of those I was looking at. It is 
only a square from the grounds in front of the President's 
house, where the Jackson statue is, so that the children 
will be able to make that their play ground in good weather. 
I have sent the measurement of the parlor and other rooms 
to your Bro. John for him to buy our furniture in New 
York. I now expect to have every^thing ready to give you a 
welcome into your own home on your arrival. 

As I was walking out yesterday, I met the President and 
he asked if I had got a house. I told him, yes, and the price. 
Says he, ''you are rich, I suppose?" "No," says I, "I am 
not." "But," he replied, "Mrs. Cobb is, I understand and 
that is the same thing." "How much," says he, "is her 
estate." I replied about two hundred and fifty thousand 
dollars. "Well," says he, "why don't you pay that debt of 
fifteen thousand, that you say you owe?" Don't you think 
the old Gentlemen is quite curious about such matters? I 
was strongly inclined to ask him to loan me the money, but 
we were in rather a good natured mood and I let it pass. I 


am to dine to-day with Mrs. Clayton who has promised 
to have fritters for dinner. I expect to have a good time of 
It as I have been starving over the hotel fare of Willards. 


Athens, Ga. August 7th, 1857. 
Dear Howell: 

In due course of mail, I reached here on Monday even- 
ing and found all your family and friends well. The 
political excitement in Georgia is fast passing away. Judge 
Thomas^ and Jack Howard are now the only opposition 
men inside of the Democratic organization and they have 
both concluded to vote for Judge Brown for Governor. I 
have seen them both and conversed with them and while 
they talk furiously, they are doing no harm. As to Thomas, 
since he has been delivered by writing his last article signed 
"Troup," he feels much easier and he will pull in the traces 
very gently. I think his eyes were opened by receiving 
from the Know Nothings a proposition to nominate him for 
Congress in the 8th District. He answered them in such a 
way that his letter will not come before the public through 
them. I have seen Judge Brown and conversed with him 
very freely. He feels the delicacy of his position, some 
urging him to denounce Mr. Buchanan and others requiring 
him to endure Walker. He will advocate the policy as enun- 
ciated in Linton Stephen's letter and under no circumstances 
for causes which have transpired abondon the administra- 
tion or the Democratic party. He will be elected by a very 
decided majority and my impression is that before the day 
of election there will be no evidence that there has been any 
difference of opinion in the Democratic party. He and Hill 
speak to-morrow at Barbers Spring, which has prevented my 
going to Greensboro until Monday. 

As to the race in this district, the general impression is 
that Judge Jackson will be elected by a large majority, 

1 Judge Thomas W. Thomas, lawj'er and editor of Elberton, Ga. Judge Superior 
Court, 1855-1859. 


though John Crawford is not of that opinion; he however, 
considers his election certain, though the contest will be a 
close one. Judge Jackson himself is absent and I shall not 
be able to see him. 

One thing I am satisfied of, which I am glad to communi- 
cate and that is, that the excitement about Walker has not 
been gotten up to Injure you, but Is no doubt an honest spon- 
taneous sentiment that Walker was a traitor and betraying 
the rights of the South. There may be some men in it who 
are your enemies, but I am satisfied that it was not intended 
to strike you and such Is the opinion of most of your friends. 
Judge Thomas, who is the most unreasonable man among 
them, had no idea of Injuring you in any way, besides I 
think personally he is your friend or he is a great hypo- 
crite and whatever excitement has been produced, he is re- 
sponsible for. Many things I can tell you better than I can 
write. You may I think rest satisfied the Georgia Democ- 
racy will be found right side up 


Washington City, July loth, 1857. 
Dear Col: 

The conventions in Ga. have been held and the result Is 
not as satisfactory as I could have wished. Judge Jackson^ 
was nominated after a hard struggle. A portion of the up 
country delegates seceded from the convention, but I don't 
think it will amount to anything. Baily^ is nominated in 
your district, Judge Wright^ (one of my friends) In the 
Cherokee and Gartrell^ In Warner's, the two Stphens^ In 

1 Judge James Jackson, Congressman, 1857-1861. 

2 David J. Bailey, Congressman from Georgia, 1851-1855 ; defeated fcr re- 
fliction in 1857. 

3 Judge Augustus R. Wright, Congressman from Georgia, 1857-1859. 

4 Lucius J. Gartrell, Consjressman from Georgia, 1857-1861. 

5 Alexander H. and his brother Linton. Alexander H. was re-elected, but 
Linton was defeated by Joshua Hill, the Know-Nothing candidate, by 4,800 votes to 


their districts, the ist. and 2nd. not yet heard from. Lump- 
kin^ was defeated for Governor. They fought for three 
days in the convention. Gardener and Lamar's friends 
generally combined against him. Still he got a majority, 
but could not get two thirds. Judge Brown of Cherokee 
was nominated by acclamation upon the report of the corn- 
mlttee, after It was found impossible to nominate any of 
the candidates who were In the fight. 

If it had stopped here. It could have been borne with, 
but the convention denounced Gov. Walker for his course in 
Kansas and demanded his removal, thus making an issue 
with the administration. Gov. Walker announced himself 
in favor of submitting the constitution to the people of Kan- 
sas for ratification and he said in his inaugural that the 
climate of Kansas was not suited to slave labor and for 
these reasons the Ga. convention demand his removal, al- 
though all the democrats and pro-slavery men in Kansas 
are satisfied with him. Upon this point they have gotten up 
a terrible excitement in Ga, Ala, and Miss., and the indica- 
tions are that we are to have the fight of 1850 over again. 
The storm may blow over and I hope It will, but at present 
it looks angry and threatening. Our friend and kinsman 
Lucius Lamar, has been nominated for Congress in Miss. 
He will be elected beyond doubt as the democratic majority 
Is large in his district. The prospect therefore is that I shall 
have some good friends in the next House 


Washington City, July nth, 1857. 

My dear Wife; 

At the time I wrote the letter, to which your last was an 
answer, I was very much out of humor with the political 
news from Georgia. I had made up my mind however to 

1 John H. Lumpkin. In the Democratic Convention there were five candi- 
dates for the nomination for governor. The others were James R. Gardner, Henry 
Lamar, Judge Hiram Warner, and William H. Stiles. No one being able to 
secure two-thirds of the votes, a committee was appointed to bring in a nomination. 
They fixed upon Judge Joseph E. Brown. Brown was subsequently elected over 
Benj. H. Hill, the Know-Nothing candidate, by 57,631 votes to 46,SS9. 


meet all the Issues which might arise with the same spirit and 
feeling which have heretofore carried me successfully 
through all ordeals. Now, things look much better. My 
letters from the state all indicate very clearly that the 
democrats of Georgia will stand firmly by their principles. 
I never have and never can lose confidence in the masses of 
the people. Too often have I seen the evidence of their ster- 
ling good sense ever to lose confidence in their ultimate de- 
cision. The storm that was gathering a few days ago, 
will pass over without seriously disturbing the peace and 
quiet of the country. This is the present appearance of 
things, but whatever may come, I shall stand firm by my 
principles and let consequences take care of themselves. . 


St. Louis, [Mo.] May 17th, 1858. 
Dear Sir ; 

I came in possession yesterday of the following informa- 
tion, viz., that Stephen A. Douglass had sent for F. P. Blair, 
Jr., and had an interview with him in which he stated to 
Blair (as Blair states in a letter to a friend in this City) that 
whatever construction others might put on his course be- 
tween this and i860 he wished to let him know that he in- 
tended to be with the Black Republicans in i860 and that 
then he and Blair would be together. 

This letter from Blair was seen under such circumstances 
that it cannot be referred to. Under your leave I shall be 
in Washington about two days about the loth of June and 
will tell you all about the letter I can. I thought it due 
you and the president to let you know of this intended 

As I understand it, he intends to try to keep in contact 
with our party until the canvass opens for i860, so that he 
can do us the more harm. 

He is a black-hearted traitor and would destroy his 
Gov't if it would only elevate S. A. Douglass, I should 
prefer nothing said of this in the papers till I see you. 



Athens, Ga., July 14th, 1858. 

Dear Gov[ernor] : 

. . . . I found the Federal Union all right. Joe 
Nisbet is as good a friend as the Administration has in Ga. 
He will do anything you want I think. I hope you paid 
Benton some attention in Washington. He has gone North. 

I look upon the Constitutionalist as dead out against the 
Administration and yourself. I judge alone from its public 
course. It published Wright's speech, with a wishy washy 
comment. It then gave the Administration Democrats In 
Illinois, and incidentally the Administration, a side blow, 
and now to cap the climax it publishes anonymous communi- 
cations against your slave trade letter. I am afraid 
Stephen's finger Is in that pie. I am almost prepared to 
advise you to take the government patronage from it. At 
all events. It ought to be attacked. It Is against both the 
State and Federal Administrations, and I would advise if it 
meets your approbation an attack on it in the Federal 
Union. I would ask, is it a Democratic paper? It is doing 
all It can to get up an opposition to Brown and Buchanan. 
I saw Brown In Mllledgeville and I can tell you he knows 
what is about. It Is our interest to sustain him. They may 
say what they please, but the Bank question and the State 
Road will make him popular, and he is so now. 

Anyhow, the propriety of the Federal Union linking the 
attacks of the Constitutionalist upon him with Its attacks 
upon the Administration at Washington, both covert but 
both ill-concealed, Is unquestionable; and it ought to be 
done. If you think so, write a confidential letter to Nisbet, 
or if you prefer it, write to me and I will write to Nisbet. 
I think you may trust him. I would allude In the attack upon 
the Constitutionalist to his recent conversion to Democracy 
In a delicate way, and tell him he had better get comfortable 
In his new seat before he sets himself up as censor of the 
State and National Democratic Administrations. . 



Milledgevllle, Ga., Nov. i, 1858. 
My dear Gov[ernor] : 

Judge Jackson is here and will speak tomorrow night. 
I have no doubt he will make a fine Impression. I have 
employed a stenographer to report his speech and after he 
['has corrected it, I will have It published in the Federal 
Union and sent to you. I have no doubt, it will deserve a 
place In the Washington Union. If there are any Douglass 
men [in] the Legislature, they do not avow It. There is a 
very strong combination for mischief formed. Warner for 
the Senate, McDonald to go Into the next Cabinet, Brown 
for Governor; to the last, opposition would be useless, but 
when elected his Influence will be given to those men. Their 
candidate for President Is Breckenridge, and a strong effort 
will be made to send a delegation from this state to Charles- 
ton for him. I have seen a gentleman who saw a letter from 
Douglass to a member of Congress from Tennessee In which 
he says, that "He (Douglass) had committed himself to the 
submission of the Kansas constitution to the people when 
he believed the Administration was about to destroy the 
South; that his impression was that Walker was retained to 
have an anti-slavery constitution framed by the Convention, 
and that he then took the ground from which he could not 
subsequently recede, that It must be submitted to the people; 
that he will go to the Senate ready to support all the Inter- 
ests of the South and will convince them that he has been 
ever true to their rights." I have no doubt he will take 
ultra Southern ground. We have now a very annoying ques- 
tion before the legislature, a bill Introduced by Atkinson 
sent by McDonald and Warner to repeal the clause In the 
constitution forbidding the African Slave Trade with Geor- 
gia. This clause was inserted because under the constitu- 
tion of the United States, Congress could not forbid it be- 
fore 1808, In 1797. The framers of our constitution unwill- 
ing to wait until 1808 forbade It at once. Now that there is 
a law of Congress against the slave trade, this clause in our 


constitution Is unnecessary. This Is the argument used and 
it is said It only serves now as a reflection upon the institu- 
tion of slavery. The real object of the introducing Is to 
make way for the passage of a law authorizing the introduc- 
tion of Africans and thus bring the state in direct conflict 
with the General Government, but with the existing sensi- 
tiveness upon the subject of slavery, men are afraid of hav- 
ing It said they are opposed to slavery and thus afraid to 
meet the question. I send you an article from the Bain- 
bridge Argus to show how the old Southern rights feeling 
still holds on. 


Athens, Ga., May 30th, [1859?]. 
Dear Gov[ernor] : 

Your letter was received yesterday and I reply to-day. 
I shall be at the Convention but am afraid they may whip 
us in the fight, if it is made. If they do, we will make a 
record. Toombs and Stephens were here at the Supreme 
Court and I had a short talk with them, brought about by 
Stephens asking me what I was for doing at the Conven- 
tion. I told him I was against putting new planks In the plat- 
form, particularly about the Slave trade, and besides de- 
sired the Administration to be sustained on your account par- 
ticularly. He said he thought the CIncinnatti platform 
sufficient and had no objections to any resolutions sustaining 
the administration if they would not hurt, I asked him 
how they could be framed so as not to hurt. I told him I 
was not particular about language,^ but wanted the usual 
resolutions of confidence. Toombs then said the Adminis- 
tration ought not to be ignored, but that all Its acts could 
not be endorsed, because we were not united; some things 
he approved (alluding to specific duties, I suppose) which 
others of us did not, but he thought a resolution expressive 
of confidence In the ability, Integrity and patriotism of the 


Administration ought to be passed.^ Stephens said nothing 
more. I was to have seen him again but did not, as he left 
before the Court adjourned. My object in writing this to 
you is to suggest that you write to Toombs urging him to 
go to the Convention. I think he will go, if you ask it as a 
personal kindness, and in the event of a row, he will be of 
great service. I haven't a doubt his heart Is with you. As 
to little Aleck I say nothing. I will try and have the 6th 
represented, and will write to Morris to go If possible. I 
saw Jeff Lamar and told him my interview with Toombs 
and Stephens. He will act cordially with us 

By the way, the Press at Macon has an article containing a 
letter from old Buck^ to McLane as bad as the message 
about schooling the negroes. Let me know the truth about 
it. The letter, is it genuine? and what Is the whole truth 
about the business, for It looks bad and grows worse, and 
we may have to fight It in the Convention. Thompson 
Allan's last piece which Sledge has showed me in manu- 
script is a good one especially the Iverson part. . 
Don't you think such a resolution as Toombs suggests all 
sufficient. I think so rather than make a fight. 

Let me hear from you. 


Talbotton, Ga., June 9th, 1859. 
Dear Cobb : 

On my return from Upson court this morning I had the 
pleasure to receive your favor of the 5th Inst. 

I am not a member of the Convention but I think it will be 
agreeable to some one of [the] delegates for me to serve in 
his place. Had it been supposed that I would like to be in 
the Convention, I should have been appointed. At any rate 
I shall go to Milledgeville and it will afford me great pleas- 

1 The State Democratic Convention was held on June 15th. In spite of opposi- 
tion, Buchanan's adpinistration was endorsed, though only as to its "integrity and 

2 President Buchanan. 

3 Congressman from Georgia, 1849-1851. 


ure to comply with your wishes as far as lies in my power. I 
hope the convention will not do you the injustice of pursuing 
the course you seem to think they may pursue. 

You may rest assured that I shall always feel a pleasure 
In your prosperity; and [you] have few friends who would 
derive a higher gratification than myself in seeing you In the 
first position In the Republic. 


Jefferson, Ga., Aug. 24, 1859. 
Dear Brother : 

I am just from Crawfordvllle and hasten to write to you 
the results of my interview with Col. T[oombs.] The 
Despatch of the special Correspondent of the N. Y. Herald 
about your visit to Ga. gave me an easy avenue to the subject 
and I have confidently inquired of him, Mr. Stephens's feel- 
ings toward your nomination, saying that I had been told 
by several that he (Stephens) was hostile to it. His reply 
was, "It is a great mistake. Mr. S[tephens] and I have 
talked this matter over frequently, and he agrees fully with 
me that Mr. C[obb] is the best man in the nation for the 
office." He continued at some length in this strain and said 
It was not only desirable that the Delegation to Charleston 
should be favorable to you, but that any other would be un- 
worthy the state or some such expression. I took pains to 
Impress on him that you were no candidate, but that your 
friends did feel anxious, in the event your name was sug- 
gested at Charleston as the most available candidate, that 
no objection or obstacle should arise In the Delegation from 
your own state and that it was with this view alone that we 
felt anxious as to their appointment. He suggested to me 
that Delegates should not be appointed by the members of 
the Legislature but that it would be best for you to have a 
convention specially for that purpose and assured me that 
so far from interfering he believed Mr. S[tephens] would 
be in your favor. I have given you the substance of his re- 


marks. I confess I am Incredulous as to Stephens, but I 
am satisfied Toombs was candid and sincere. A'nd I have 
no doubt that when you see him In Washington you can 
make him your zealous friend. He is openly opposed to the 
reopening of the Slave Trade,' but thinks the law declaring 
It Piracy is unconstitutional and should be repealed. His 
views on this point are forcible. 

I write to you In great haste and cannot enlarge, now. 
The feeling In this state upon this Slave Trade is working 
very favorably for you. Nine tenths of our people are 
opposed to it. Old friends of Stephens are open In their 
disapproval of his position. Ferdy Phinlzy of Augusta, who 
was opposed to you, told me that you were the man for the 
nomination and that you were gaining ground every day 
on that question. I hear this In many quarters. . 


Washington City, Nov. 19, 1859. 
Dear Col: 

. . . . The future of the country looks badly. I 
never felt less hopeful in my life. All the Indications point 
to a fearful crisis on the slavery question. The North 
seems determined to force upon us the Issue of submission to 
Sewardism or disunion. I regret to say that the convic- 
tion is now forced upon me, that the days of the Union 
are numbered. It is to my mind a fearful thought, but 
It is preferable to dishonor and degradation and ultimate 
ruin. It will not in my judgment be many months before 
the price of property In the South will begin to show the 
state of things to which I allude. I write this, as my un- 
willing convictions and [trust they will] not have any more 
effect upon your own mind than they are entitled to. 


Connasena, Dec. 4th, 1859. 
My dear Mrs. Cobb: 

. . . . I am very sure that the tide is changing to 

1 Son of former U. S. Senator 0. H. Prince, of Athens, Ga., and a close personal 
friend of Cobb's. 


Mr. Cobb's side. I notice one communication In the ''Daily 
Federal Union" speaking of him as unquestionably the 
choice of the State and that whenever or however the State 
Convention may be held he will be supported. I notice also 
an editorial in the "Constitutionalist" in which the editor 
acquiesces In his nomination, he says *'We are in favor of 
the nomination of a Southern man at Charleston and before 
all other Southern men a Georgian. Gov. Cobb will probably 
be the only Georgian before the Charleston Convention as 
a candidate for Its nomination and if he receives that high 
honor, we shall not only be content, but delighted. We 
believe that our position in reference to Gov. Cobb, as we 
have just stated it, is that of nine tenths of the Democracy 
of the State. They are content that a delegation should be 
sent to Charleston favorable to his nomination, and will be 
delighted if he is the nominee." 

My Interpretation of the above is not that the paper really 
favors or even acquiesces In Mr. Cobb's nomination, but see- 
ing that the tide now sets in his favor yields a reluctant 
assent and is shifting with the current. It Is a mighty good 
sign and augurs better for Mr. Cobb than any symptom I 
have yet seen.^ 


Cuthbert, Ga., Jany. 13, i860. 
Dear Gov [ernor] : 

Have you fully considered and advised with your friends 
as to the proper course to pursue in the March Convention? 

I am now satisfied the intention is to send a Stephens 
Delegation from that Convention, and from present indica- 
tions it will likely be held. I am fearful in those counties 
where your friends have the majority — they will permit the 

1 A factional fighJt among the Democrats occurred over the control of the 
delegation to the Charleston Convention of 1860. Cobb was expected to be put 
before the Charleston Convention as the choice of the Georgia Democracy. His 
faction, controlling the Democratic Executive Committee, announced a convention 
to be held in March, 1860. The anti-Cobb faction, acting through a Committee 
of the Legislature, called a convention to meet in Milledgeville on December 8, 1859. 
Cobb's friends got control of the December convention and delegates favoring his 
nomination were appointed. 



minority to meet and send Delegates. If so, It will give 
the Convention importance it does not deserve. How is the 
matter to be met? 

I have been appointed a Delegate to the Convention from 
my county, but I cannot go. Will you give me your views 
at length. 

I am satisfied there is an entire and cordial harmony of 
action between Douglass and Toombs and Stephens which 
will if not properly met result in the nomination of either 
Douglass or Stephens. 

Could you not by a letter make yourself stronger at the 
South without hurting you North? If you have time, write 


Cartersvllle, Ga., March 28, i860. 
My dear Oliver : 

I was very closely detained, at Court, all last week, re- 
ceived my mail very irregularly, consequently did not get 
your kind favor until the last of the week. On Sunday I was 
sent for in haste to visit a dying relative, at Cedartown 
and have just returned. This will account for my delay In 
acknowledging the receipt of your letter. By this time you 
have become "posted," in regard to that miserable affair 
at Milledgeville,^ and I need say but little In regard to it; 
suffice to say, that Mr. Cobb was most shamefully hunted 
down by violent personal enemies and Douglas men. I 
have much to say to you and am very desirous of seeing you. 
I very much regret I could not see Col. Jackson, as I fear 
he has come and gone. If he is still with you, can not you 
and he come down and visit me, at my father's, with whom 
I am now compelled to remain most of the time, as my sis- 
ter, who keeps house for him, is visiting her sick children. 
This too has prevented and will for a month probably pre- 

1 A -well-known educator. Delegate to the Charleston Convention of 1860. 

2 The convention called by the Executive Committee of the Democratic Party 
(See footnote to letter of O. H. Prince, supra, p. 321) met in Milledgeville early 
in :March. The public generally expected the convention to ratify the proceedings 
of the December convention, but Cobb's opponents, led by A. H. Stephens, succeeded 
in defeating such action, and a new delegation was appointed, of whom only 17 
of the 40 were Cobb men. 


vent Mrs. Johnston and me from visiting you and Mrs. 
Prince. We very much regret this, but you know father is 
quite infirm and we cannot leave him until sister returns. 
I want to see you and Co. Jackson very much in relation 
to Mr. Cobb's prospects. I think he ought to permit his 
name to go before the Charleston Convention, for he has a 
large majority of the two delegations appointed, and it is 
known and acknowledged by all, that he is the choice of the 
Democracy of Georgia. Should he not, however, or should 
he, and be defeated, I am anxious that he should run for U. 
S. Senator, at the approaching session. I think though 
his true and reliable friends should consult in this matter. 
There are so many Infernal traitors, that one knows hardly 
whom to trust. I feel so Indignant and so outraged at the 
villainous manner In which he has been treated that I want 
to bend all the energies of my soul to see him vindicated. 
Think of all this and we will talk It over when I see you. 
Write Immediately If Col. Jackson is still with you. If you 
and he can't come down, I will try and run up for a few 
hours anyway. Col. Lamar told me to tell you, he would 
probably be up In April. Don't fail to advise me when he 
comes, for he must come to see me. My wife Is with me and 
joins me in kind regards to you all and Col. Jackson, If he 
Is with you. 


Washington City, April 8, i860. 
Dear Col. : 

I was much gratified to find from your letter this morn- 
ing that you thought my letter to Irwin had produced a 
good efi^ect. My friends write me from other quarters to 
the same ef][ect. 

As you ask me who I am for, I fear that you did not re- 
ceive a letter of some length in which I wrote you my views 
on that point, and also wrote you about moving to Macon. 


Though I am now writing very hastily and with company (as 
it is Sunday) I will repeat briefly, ist. I think we ought to 
go for Hunter, as he will unite the South, and he is myi 
friend, and besides if elected will make a good president. I 
have no objection to Jeff Davis. Our policy should be to 
go with the South for some [illegible] candidate, putting 
our faces sternly against all tied out nags. The article in 
the Federal Union In favor of Hunter is pretty much an 
extract of a letter I wrote them. If I had time I would 
write fully, but I am sure you will see at a glance the policy 
of this programme. If we cannot get Hunter or Jeff Davis, 
then let us go to the North for a candidate and take old Joe 
Lane. I don't think we ought under any circumstances to 
support Douglass, though it is hardly necessary to say so, 
as he has no earthly chance for a nomination. 


Rome, Ga., May 8th, i860. 
Dear Cobb: 

You have heard of all that transpired at Charleston. 
I left as soon as the Rump Convention adjourned over to 
meet at Baltimore on the iSth. of June, and requested the 
States not represented to appoint delegates to meet them 
at that place. My advice to the withdrawing states was that 
inasmuch as they had [not] nominated Douglass or any 
other objectionable man, was that they too also make no 
recommendation of candidates for President and for Vice- 
President, but adjourn also and refer the whole question 
back to the Democratic party of the several withdrawing 
states, and let them act for themselves. In fact the Geor- 
gia delegation had Instructed their Chairman Judge Ben- 
ning to write and publish an address to the Democratic 
party of Georgia, giving them the reasons for our course, 
and asking that a convention of the party might be called by 
the Executive Committee to meet at Mllledgeville on the 


first of June, and If a majority of the party chose to be repre- 
sented In Baltimore, either with or without ratifying our con- 
duct that they might have the right to do so. And I left 
the convention under the Impression that this was to be 
our program. But on reaching home I saw that after I left 
that Col. H. R. Jackson offered In the Southern Convention 
a resolution which was adopted, that the States opposed to 
Douglas and Squatter Sovereignt}^ be asked to send dele- 
gates to meet at Richmond on the 2nd. Monday In June. 
This position assumes that we are now divided and can 
never act together again, and if this be true, I am prepared 
for It, and will go with them. But I had supposed that the 
people would more readily have concurred In this view after 
the final adjournment of the Convention at Baltimore. I 
addressed the people of this city on Saturday night, and I 
was met by men of all parties, and the approval of my 
course was most cordial and enthusiastic, and since the 
meeting I have conferred with men of all parties, and with 
men In the town and counties, and with the exception of 
Judge Wright and his son-in-law, F. C. Shropshire,* I have 
yet to see a man who was opposed to our withdrawal. Judge 
Wright had Mr. A. H. Stephens as his guest a few days 
ago, and he was openly In favor of Douglass's nomination, 
and he Invited several of our prominent citizens to dine 
with Mr. Stephens, and several who were present have been 
charged with sympathy with him and Douglass ; our friend 
Jas Spurlock It Is said Is of the number. But he was absent 
on my return home at Savannah, and I have not seen him. 
Our mutual friend, Wm. A. Fort, was charged with agree- 
ing with Mr. Stephens, but he denies It most firmly. Col. 
Printup regrets that we separated from the Northern Demo- 
crats, and thinks that we ought to meet them again at 
Baltimore, and make another effort to stand together on a 
national platform. 

This leaves my family in the enjoyment of health. Mrs. 
L. unites with me in kind regards and love to Mrs. C. and 



Washington City, July i, i860. 
Dear Col[onel] : 

The indications are that the Douglas and Johnson men 
intend to fight hard for life in Georgia. Our friends should 
not underestimate their strength, though I think with proper 
effort on our part, it will not amount to much. The princi- 
pal battle ground will be the 7th. and 8th. Districts. It is 
understood that Stephens will enter warmly into the canvass, 
and with the aid of the Constitutionalist will give us work 
to do in his section. Smythe will start his new paper at 
once and I have agreed to let him have five hundred dollars. 
Don't be alarmed at this demand, but I felt that it was too 
important a movement to let it pass. He said to me, that 
the paper could not be started without he could get a thou- 
sand dollars, and I agreed to furnish half. 

The M^iConTelegraph has put one foot in, and the ques- 
tion is will it take back or go on? "Bob" in the Telegraph, 
smoked (?) Johnson in advance, and it would be well to 
remind his friends that he was caught before he got the 

" Can you carry out your programme of going to the Legis- 
lature? I now think that we can carry the Senatorial election 
with a little effort, though it should not be mooted at present. 
Before Toombs left here he voluntarily tendered me his 
cordial support and promised to see exactly how the mem- 
bers from his dis[trlct] stood. I don't wish you to trouble 
yourself too much about it, but your presence In the Legis- 
lature would tell powerfully upon the result. 


Rome, Ga., August 7, i860. 
Dear Sir: 

I am gratified to see you have given us a visit to Ga., 
although I cannot think there is the least danger but that 


we will carry Ga. easy for Breckinridge and Lane, but it 
is I think proper that you should mix with the people of your 
own State at this time. I would come to Atlanta to see you 
but for other engagements. I must try and see you before 
you leave for Washington. Please let me know when I 
would most likely see you; if you return by the Virginia 
route, by the way of Lynchburg I will meet you at Kingston. 
I wrote you two letters but suppose you had not received 
them before leaving Washington. Everything is all right 
in this section. I want to see you upon two points,' the most 
important is the Senatorial Election next winter; in my 
judgement if your friends will act discreetly we can elect 
you. I fully understand the programme that is now being 
laid to get up a controversy between yourself and Judge 
Iverson. A certain individual is figuring to get up the con- 
troversy, and be the beneficiary. In my judgement you can 
be elected, and I am exceedingly desirous that you should 
be. I also want to talk with you about my private matters 
in the way of some compensation for these African slave 
cases. I think we can fall upon some plan to arrange the 
matter satisfactorily from what I learn from Mr. Toombs 
and Underwood. I am very anxious to have an interview 
with [you] upon politics before you leave; if you see any 
chance for me to meet you let me know. 


Washington City, Sept. 27, i860. 
Dear Col[onel] : 

Our news from the South continues to be of the 
most favorable character, and I now believe we shall carry 
every Southern state. 

I see that the Breckinridge men are Inclined to kick 
against the fusion ticket in New York. This will never do 
as it will fasten upon the Breckinridge men, the charge we 
have made against Douglass of preventing fusion and there- 
by helping Lincoln. As to New York I have no hope of 
carrying it, but much good will be done In Pa., New Jersey 


and other states by a fusion in New York. It has the effect 
of Inspiring hope where we have a chance of success. I 
think we shall carry Pa. and New Jersey and thus defeat 


Connasena, [Ga.,] March 31, i860. 
My dear Mrs. Cobb: 

Sarah went down to the Howard^s with the children on 
yesterday and among other items of news brought a mes- 
sage from Mr. Howard to me that Mr. Cobb had just 
written a letter declining to have his name presented to the 
Charleston Convention. Mr. H[oward]sent word that it 
is an admirable letter and I very much regret that he did not 
send it to me. 

I write this to congratulate Mr. Cobb on his position. 
He Is on the right track now sure and if the letter referred 
to is such a one as I hope and believe it is, he is stronger; 
now, not only in Georgia but the whole South than he ever 
was before, and that Georgia will go for him to a unit. 
In fact, I believe that public opinion will force him to modify 
his decision,' and that the delegation from this State will have 
to stand square up to him or misrepresent the feeling of 
the people and sink themselves eternally. I am no prophet 
or son of a prophet, but I give this my opinion for what 
it Is worth. I only hope that Mr. C[obb] will not commit 
himself too fully to the determination of withdrawal, until 
he sees how the cat jumps at home since the publication of 
his letter. What I mean Is this, Mr. Cobb withdraws for 
the sake of unity and harmony In the party and under the 
belief that the delegates are divided and will not support 
him unanimously at Charleston. Let this be ascertained 
beyond a doubt before he commits himself Irrevocably, for 
I believe that the delegation will be forced to support him 
and that to a man, when it Is ascertain that his name may be 
presented on those terms. 


I notice the "Cassvllle Standard" comes 'out hot and 
heavy against the Convention and in support of Mr. Cobb. 
I will send the paper if I can find it before I close my letter, 
although I presume you will have seen it before this reaches 

I wrote to Mr. Lamar today and told him that Mr. 
Cobb had high, low. Jack and the game, in his hands so far 
as his own state is concerned and although there is a good 
deal of cheating around the board there is no danger, if he 
will keep a sharp lookout, play a bold game and lead trumps 
from the start. I told him if Mr. Cobb would only allow me 
to arrange his programme for the next 12 months, I would 
make a man of him. However, you know the text, "a 
prophet is not without honor save in his own country,^' and 
I cannot expect to be an exception. 

The following clipping from the Cassville, Ga., Standard, 
of March 29, i860, was enclosed in the above letter: 


We have carefully perused the proceedings of the late 
Milledgeville Convention, and must say that those proceed- 
ings are to us, not only extraordinary, but altogether in- 
comprehensible. Will not some of our cotemporaries of 
the press, many of whom we noticed participated in the de- 
liberations, (if proceedings characterized by so much heat 
and violence can in any proper sense be denominated de- 
liberations) give us the direct history of that Convention, 
by which we may unravel the mystery, and understand how it 
was that the Hon. Howell Cobb, so clearly and justly the 
favorite of the Democracy of this State, after having been 
by the December Convention declared the choice of Georgia 
for the Presidency, should have been so completely and 
designedly overthrown; when, too, there was a reported 
majority of the friends of Mr. Cobb present, a fact which 
their ability to control the organization and elect their own 
officers, places beyond question? Why was it, we ask, that 
he was so cruelly slaughtered, and that in the house of his 
friends? There is but one solution of the matter at which 



we can arrive. Mr. Cobb was overthrown, thrust out, be- 
cause he stood In the way of some other aspirant for the 
position In our own State. So great an indignity could never 
have been inflicted upon one of Georgia's own sons to ad- 
vance the prospects of any candidate beyond the State, as 
such a step would have been not only unnatural, but uri" 
necessary. The delegates in such an event might have sus- 
tained the fortunes of Mr. Cobb so long as there was any 
prospects of success, and then when all hope was lost, there 
would have been ample opportunity to wield to a foreign 
favorite their support. 

But the presentation of Mr. Cobb's name by the delega- 
tion from Georgia as the choice of this State for the Presi- 
dency, would have injured most seriously, — nay, destroyed — 
the prospects of any other aspirant from our own State, and 
hence It was his sacrifice was decreed. There Is no other, 
there can be no other solution of the matter. 

This fact settled, the only remaining question Is, who or 
what other aspirants for the Presidency were there in Geor- 
gia? There is and has been but one other Individual whose 
name has been prominently raised in Georgia in connection 
with that exalted station, and that is the name of the Hon. 
Alexander H. Stephens. Let it not be said that Mn 
Stephens "was no aspirant," "did not seek," "would not 
accept the position." Such chaff may answer to stuff young 
gulls, It can deceive no sane man for a minute. Why have 
his friends for a year past been so zealously and actively 
at work? Leading politicians, plastering him with adula- 
tion In their letters, newspapers raising his name for the 
Presidency at their mast head, and defending through their 
columns every act of his public life? Why has all this been 
permitted to proceed, when a half dozen words from him 
could, at any time, have rendered all as silent as the grave? 
But throwing these evidences aside, what further proof do 
we need than the very debates, action and result of the Con^ 
vention itself? Was not the question of preference between 
these distinguished Georgians there most distinctly raised? 
Did their action not result in the selection of the newly 


appointed delegates from Mr. Stephen's friends, those who 
had either expressed their preference for him upon the floor, 
or who had previously published letters in his behalf? 

But we have not yet reached the mystery. All this is 
clear — transparent as the noon-day sun. "He who runs 
may read.'' But the mystery we desire our cotemporaries 
to dispel is, how and why it is that Alexander Hamilton 
Stephens is a greater favorite with the Democracy of Geor- 
gia than Howell Cobb ? Is he in the ranks of the Democra- 
cy older or a 'better soldier? Mr. Cobb has been a Demo- 
crat, true and unwavering all his life. Can that be said of 
Mr. Stephens? What is the date of Mr. Stephens' Democ- 
racy? How long has it been since he ceased to utter his 
denunciations against the party? Is he a Democrat today? 
Put the question to him and you will perhaps receive the an- 
swer he is said to have already given, "I am only acting 
with the Democratic Party." Is he a better soldier? Mr. 
Stephens is a man of decided ability; as a Georgian, we feel 
proud of him, but has he any more abihty than Mr. Cobb? 
He has been tried but in one position, as a representative of 
our State in Congress; he has acquitted himself with distin- 
guished honor, but was he in this sphere the superior of Mr. 
Cobb? Mr. Cobb was certainly selected before him to fill 
the highest position In the House. Has not Mr. Cobb 
been found fully equal to the various other and exalted sta- 
tions to which he has been called, and in which Mn Stephens 
is as yet untried? But the old Southern Rights wing of the 
Democracy, it is said, do not like Howell Cobb. Have they 
any reason to love Alexander H. Stephens more? If Mr. 
Cobb supported the Compromise measures of 1850, did not 
Mr. Stephens do the same? If Mr. Cobb was the Instru- 
ment of the Southern Rights defeat In 1851, did not Mr. 
Stephens aid him to the full extent of his ability to achieve 
that triumph? Is Mr. Stephens any more of a Southern 
Rights man today than Howell Cobb? It will not be pre- 

We know not what may be the opinions of others, but 
this we say for ourselves, we are willing to consider all as 



[Democrats, whether they have entered the vineyard at the 
,**second," or even not until the "eleventh hour," we are will- 
ing to give the preference to real ability and merit, come 
from which wing of the party it may, but other things being 
'equal, we prefer today, and shall prefer always, the man 
who not only Is, but ever has been a Democrat. 


New York, Oct. 2, i860. 
Dear John A, 

. . . . The fusion in New York came too late. The 
divisions among the Democrats gave the Black Republicans 
an impetus, that will carry them to victory. Everything 
depends on the Gov's election In Pa; if Foster Is elected it 
will inspire the Democrats with hope and they may succeed 
in Pa. and N. J. In Novr. But Douglas and his friends 
are doing their best to cause a failure. It seems to me that 
I' every man at the South of any prominence, who supports 
Douglas,' in this canvass, will call for rocks and mountains 
to hide him from the scorn of the people hereafter. His 
object (Douglas's) Is transparent — it is vengeance at any 
cost — with the delusive hope of rallying and keeping up a 
party for his future uses. He may succeed in the first by the 
aid of Johnson, Stephens and others, but as to the latter, he 
will be disappointed 


Dear Madam: 

Broadway C. Chambers, [New York.,] 
October 23rd, i860. 

Enclosed please find receipt for the draft of $59 remitted 
In yours received by mail today. 

I have just performed the duty of making a subscription 
in aid of the Union electoral ticket, and shall give it my in- 

1 A great dry goods merchant of New York. 


fluence, but I declare to you that I have no confidence that it 
can succeed. 

As far as I am able to judge the supremacy of the Repub- 
lican party in this State will be continued, not on the strength 
of any hostility to the section of the Union from which you 
come, but mainly from very grave errors in policy com- 
mitted by the Democratic part}% by which, the sceptre may 
be transferred to those who have availed of these errors 
wholly from the love of power. 

It will be a great mistake to attribute any more than this 
to the action of this State in November and however painful 
the infliction, we must submit, as it is a constitutional exer- 
cise of the power of a majority. 

If the errors I speak of had not been committed, the 
National men with whom I have been in the habit of acting 
would have continued in command of the country. 

Pardon me if I disagree with you in your estimate of the 
danger. The calamity of disunion, not less a calamit}^ to 
yourselves than to us, is not to be thought of for any such 
cause, and will not be tolerated by the sober second thought 
of either section, for if any attempt to injure the South be 
made, of any description, the North will instantly punish 
the offender and show their regard for the compromises of 
the Constitution and your interests safety and honor. 

Sincerely hoping that the election may result in the suc- 
cess of a friend in whom you will have confidence, and that 
you will long enjoy happiness from the character of the 
National administration of affairs, I am very truly and with 
my best regards to Mr. Cobb 


Connasena, Ga., Oct. 26, i860. 
My dear Mr. Lamar : 

Yours of the i6th. is at hand, in fact it has been received 
a week and I have postponed writing until I thought you 
would be back from Sumter. I received a letter from Charley 


Lamar the other day In which he says, "If I can I will be In 
Milledgevllle and will do anything I can for Mr. Cobb.'* 

I sent a letter by John Addison^ to Phil Tracy, but have 
not heard from him. I wished Phil to reserve me a part of 
his bed and hope he will do it. If you see him mention it to 
him or get John Addison to do It. I wrote to him about It. 
If Phil will not or cannot, I will probably find it hard work 
to get lodging. I may have to run down to Sav[annah] to 
bring Charley up and therefore will reach Milledgevllle on 
the opening of the session. I will try and be In Macon by 
Wednesday 31st. or Thursday ist. of Nov. The session 
opens you know on the 6th.,' and that will give me ample 
time, and I can go to Sav[annah] and capture Charley if you 
think best. 

I have not been Idle since my return and trust that I have 
been the means of aiding Mr. Cobb to some extent. I got a 
letter from him on yesterday written In reply to one from me' 
requesting a contradiction to a report his opponents have put 
In circulation here that he has made a combination with Gov. 
Brown for the Senatorshlp. He replies that "It is utterly, 
wholly and maliciously false — such an idea was never sug- 
gested to me and if It had I should have spurned It as a 
personal insult, etc." I wrote to him also about Col. Rudler 
and will print the extract from his letter (about Rudler) In 
the Cartersville Express. 

Our friend Mark Johnson, Judge Crook, Printup sena- 
tor from Floyd, Goldsmith of Express, Stiles and Spurlock 
professedly, are active and all seem to consider his election 
a foregone conclusion. 

Iverson's last letter has done him good, however, as he 
runs on the same strong Southern position with Mr. Cobb, 
and we must leave no stone unturned, for it may be a 
tighter race than we imagine. I may write you again before 
I leave. Hard times here — no money — no crops — no 
nothing and worse coming. 
Sarah and children send love to Jno A and yourself. 

1 i.e., John Addison Cobb, son o£ Howell Cobb. 



Washington City, Oct. 31, i860. 
Dear Col[onel] : 

After spending a week in New York, I have returned here 
with the conviction that there is a chance, and only a chance, 
for the defeat of Lincoln in that state. The probabilities 
are all now in favor of Lincoln's election, and what then? 

My opinion has undergone no change. I still think that 
submission on the part of the South to his election is certain 
and inevitable ruin; hence I am for resistance even to disso- 
lution. In fact, the true remedy is to withdraw from the 
Union on the 4th. of March. As the government passes 
into the hands of the abolitionists, we should pass out. To 
secede whilst the government is in the hands of our friends 
would be wrong and unjustifiable, but to remain after the 
abolitionists take possession would be present degradation 
and future ruin. In reference to the Senatorial election in 
the event of Lincoln's election, I desire to write fully and 
freely to you. My election would be an endorsement of 
my position and thereby strengthen the cause of resistance 
throughout the South. The fact that both the black repub- 
licans and Douglas men have waged so bitter a war-fare 
upon me personally would give a significancy to my election 
that would be felt throughout the country. On the other 
hand my defeat would cause all black republicanism and 
Douglasism to resound with shouts of joy and gladness. 
This is the view in its bearings upon the public mind and 
its effect upon the issue, which we are to encounter. 

Personally^ whilst it would be extremely gratifying it does 
not offer such temptations as would induce me to enter upon 
a doubtful contest. I am determined upon one point, that 
I would not sit in the Senate as the representative of the 
humiliation of Georgia, if she submits to Lincoln's elec- 
tion. Therefore if a majority of the Legislature are in 
favor of submission they ought not to elect me, for I could 
not represent their principles. If on the other hand the 
majority are in favor of my views, they ought not to elect 


any man who would be willing to*^ occupy the seat in the 
Senate under Lincoln's administratiori. They ought to 
elect a man who will hold and use the commission as may 
be best to carry out the policy of resistance,* and who when 
he can no longer use it for that purpose will return it to 
the State. 

Entertaining these views you will see that I want my 
friends in Milledgeville to use my name (if Lincoln is 
elected) as a candidate for Senator, only in the contingency 
of 1st. that the majority of the Legislature agree with my 
views, and 2nd. that there is a reasonable certainty of my 
election. If, by chance, Lincoln is defeated, it would present 
the matter in a somewhat different light, though even 
in that contingency my anxiety to be Senator is not great 
enough to run the hazard of a defeat. To be defeated at 
this time would be a terrific blow. Of the chances, my 
friends must exercise their best judgement and I shall be 
perfectly content though they may be deceived. When I 
speak of leaving the matter in the hands of my friends, I 
speak of friends generally, but the decision must be made 
by yourself y Tom, Judges Henry and James Jackson. I 
know that I am putting a troublesome and unpleasant duty 
upon you, but with the assurance that I shall be perfectly 
satisfied with whatever you do, I hope you will not allow it 
to annoy you too much 


Athens, Ga., Nov. 5, i860. 
Dear Brother: 

. . . . I shall leave for Milledgville on Saturday. 
I have given Deloney Barrow and Ed Lumpkin your views 
and position. They leave tomorrow and promise me to 
spend the three last days of this week in posting themselves 
so as to post me on my arrival. By that time we shall 
know the result of the election. If the opposition intend to 
concentrate on any candidate against you, or if I find that 
a respectable number of the party are opposing you, or if 


I am convinced the race will be even doubtful, I shall not 
allow your name to go before the Legislature at all. I have 
so written to Jim and Henry Jackson so that we may act 
and speak in concert. I wrote to Toombs and to Thomas 
certainly to be in Milledgville, but have received no reply. 
Should Lincoln be defeated I am very anxious for your 
election. But in the other and more probable event, I think 
with you a scramble for the place would demoralize your 


Connasena, Ga., Nov. 22, i860. 
My dear Mrs. Cobb : 

I inadvertantly mentioned to Mr. Lamar on our return 
from Milledgeville that I would write to you on my return 
home; his feelings and opinions so thoroughly coincided 
with my own that he urged me to do so. I did so on the day 
after I got back, but my heart misgave me that I was un- 
necessarily troubling you and so I burned up the letter, very 
much to Sarah's annoyance, who desired me to send it. 
However, I will write you a very short one in lieu of the 
long one destroyed. 

Nothing transpired at Milledgeville of importance about 
which you are not informed by the papers, and correspon- 
dents abler than me. 

You are doubtless thoroughly posted regarding our State 
and Federal relations and I sincerely trust that Mr. Cobb 
is apprised of everything that he may be enabled to act in a 
way due to his State and himself. 

There was not one man at Milledgeville who was not most 
grievously disappointed — I allude to secessionists — at Mr. 
Cobb's dispatch that he could not come. I never in my 
life heard so loud and unanimous a call for a man as there 
was for him at that time. Everyone felt the absolute neces- 
sity of his presence to unite conflicting elements and take 
the reins of leadership in his hands, for there was no one' 


else to do it. All Is confusion even now among our friends 
while the submlsslonists are concentrating their strength 
and win give us a strong fight for the Convention. 

Mr. Cobb has not a friend In Georgia who does not 
earnestly desire him to come home and canvass the State.i 
The position of leader in Georgia, I believe throughout the 
South, is open to him and awaits him to come and take con- 
trol. Also there is danger of the Federal and State Govern- 
ments coming to issue and should they do so Mr. Cobb's 
position and influence might be Injured at home. If Mr. 
Cobb would come and canvass the State we can carry it, 
if not, it is most doubtful. I dislike all this on Mr. Buchan- 
an's account. I revere and venerate the man but we must 
look to ourselves or be sunk in Infamy. 

Pardon me for this letter. I have misgivings about send- 
ing It, the great weakness of my life is zeal for my friends, 
In plain English toadyism; but I have recently received a 
damper to my zeal and shall hereafter be more circum- 
spect and not pertinaciously thrust my friendship where It 
is repudiated. It is altogether unnecessary for me to say 
I refer to none of yours 

Sarah and the children are In robust health, and send 
love. We are looking forward already with fond antici- 
pation to your long visit in the Spring. 


Washington, D. C, Nov. 29, [i860.] 
My dear Cobb : 

The news of your defeat came upon us all 

like a clap of thunder from a cloudless sky. I never saw a 
man more affected than the President. He was aghast, and 
I could not explain. Rest assured however It has helped 
instead of hurt[Ing] you. It Is one of those events in a 
lifetime that no matter how black they may look often pave 
the way to great and glorious results. There is a future, and 
there are higher places even than the Senate 



Milledgeville, Ga., Dec. lo, i860. 
Dear Sir: 

I received your kind letter in due time and regretted to 
learn of your illness. I have carefully read the President's 
message, and have heard several who have read it, speak of 
it. Some of the most extreme speak rather harshly of it; 
but generally it is thought to be as liberal and generous 
toward the South as could be expected. I for one, can never 
forget the firmness and fidelity with which the noble old 
Roman during all his administration has sustained the rights 
of the South. 

I apprehend that your resignation is now a foregone con- 
clusion and that you will soon return to your native state 
and cast your fortunes with those of her people. With 
that understanding I have cooperated with my brother and 
Pruitt to try and have you elected a delegate to the State 
Convention, from Banks county. It being the most import- 
ant Convention which has ever assembled in this State, it 
ought to be the desire of every true Georgian that we 
should have our ablest and best statesmen in that Conven- 

Gov. Brown is out in a very important letter. It advocates 
secession and embraces an appeal to the poor men of the 
mountains well calculated to arouse them, and to fortify 
their minds against those appeals of demagogues which 
arouse the basest passions of the human heart and array 
the poor against the wealthy — the non-slave holder against 
the slave holder. 

Simmons has made a split In Gwinnett, and the conse- 
quence is two tickets in the field for the Convention. It Is 
thought that the regular ticket will prevail. 

I expect to leave for Washington as soon as the session 
closes. I hope to see you before you leave Washington. I 
had a great desire to see and converse with you freely, as 
one of my best and long tried friends, concerning my own 

lyH^ ' - : — — 


future. I hope I may have that pleasure before the 4th of 


Macon, [Ga.,] Dec. 11, i860. 
Dear Gov[ernor] ; 

Enclosed I send check on Sav[annah] for $1675.48. I 
would have sent it before but the banks have been shut down 
close, to try and make secession unpopular, but its no go — 
the prairie is on fire and I believe most people have become 
convinced that we mean to go out of the Union. 

Tom spoke here last Friday night by invitation of the 
minute men, and such a speech I have never heard before. 
It was four hours long and nobody was tired, and at the 
close the audience were enthusiastic. It had a great effect 
on the opinions of every body. 

We have a call for a county meeting on Friday signed by 
250 names to select candidates for delegates to the Conven- 

We shall have opposition, but the impulse is with us. I 
shall probably be one of the candidates. 

Sara his up today and very well. 

When will you be here. 


Cincinnati, O., Dec. 27, i860. 
Dear Sir: 

I parted with the Gov.^ at Atlanta, where he made a 
speech. He told me to give his best regards to our friends 
in Washington, and to tell them that Georgia would cer- 
tainly be out of the Union, high and dry, immediately after 
the assembling of the Convention. And I tell you after 
hearing [him] speak twice to the people there is no doubt 
of it. I never heard anything like his speeches. He stirs 
up the hearts of the people in a way I never saw it done be- 

1 Governor Cobb. 


fore I and they show how they are affected by their cheers. 
My God, what a dangerous man he would be in a bad cause. 
I always liked him, but when I had to part with him, I found 
I loved him. 

Before the Gov. arrived at Macon I wrote to Mr. Brown. 
I did not then think the secession party very largely in the 
majority,' but it was apparent from the anxiety expressed by 
the people to see and hear Gov. Cobb that when he came 
there would be a change of sentiment. 

When the Gov. concluded his Macon speech a Presby- 
terian minister jumped upon the stand, and taking him by 
the hand told him he had made a convert of him, and that 
from that time forward he would be a secessionist. I 
was standing along side and heard the remarks, the minis- 
ter's name is, I think, Tolbert. There were few people in 
that Hall that did not wipe their eyes several times during 
the delivery of the Gov's speech 


J. D. WADE, 
Adjunct Professor of English, University of Georgia. 

Investigators have for a long time shown a disposition to 
associate Augustin Smith Clayton (1783-1839) of Georgia 
with the authorship of the books published under the name 
of David Crockett. The supposed connection between Clay- 
ton and Crockett, has, however, never been clearly under- 
stood, and very often it has been ignored. This article will 
recount what seem to the writer some good reasons for 
thinking definitely without any further vagueness, that the 
Georgia Judge was the Tennessee Colonel's spokeman. 

As the so-called "Autobiography" of Crockett is his 
only important work, It is with that book and its authorship 
that this article is primarily concerned. The edition of this 
book most generally known Is the one first published, so far 
as the present writer knows, in i860 by G. G. Evans In Phil- 
adelphia. This is in reality three books turned into one. 
It is made up in the following manner: Chapters i to -17 
from Narrative of the Life of David Crockett, Philadel- 
phia and Baltimore, 18 S4; Chapters 18 to 22, from An 
Account of Col Crockett's Tour in the North and Down 
East, Philadelphia and Baltimore, 1835; Chapters 23 to 
36, from Col. Crockett^ s Exploits and Adventures in Texas, 
London, 18^7- Of each of these disquisitions and of the 
composite edition of i860. Col. Crockett himself Is insistent- 
ly proclaimed as the true author, but in spite of the insist- 
ence with which the proclamation was made, people have 
never completely accepted It. 

In Stephen F. Miller's Bench and Bar of Georgia (Vol. i, 
p. 185.) there Is published a letter from William Wirt 


Clayton (A. S. Clayton's son) In which it is stated that "he 
(my father) wrote for Col David Crockett in his lifetime, 
a work entitled 'The Life of Col. David Crockett, Written 
by Himself\" The writer's detachment and indifference in 
this matter have the effect of increasing the validity of his 

In the work entitled Col. Croketfs Exploits and Adven- 
tures in Texas, ''Crockett" identifies himself with the author 
of Crockett's Life of Martin Van Buren. After telling 
about his argument with a pro-Van Buren politician, "find- 
ing that I was better acquainted with his candidate than he 
was himself, for I wrote his life, he [the politician] shut 
his fly-trap and turned on his heel without saying a word." 

But Appleton's Cyclopedia states in its article, "Augustin 
Smith Clayton," that Clayton "was reputed to be the author 
of a political pamphlet called 'Crockett's Life of Van 
Buren'." Besides this, Professor W. P. Trent in his 
Southern Writers (p. 104) notes that of this biography of 
Van Buren, Judge Clayton "is said to have been the real 
author." Professor Trent cannot recall how he came by 
his information but has the impression that it was from 
some source other than Appleton. Certain it is that great 
portions of the Van Buren Life ( The Life of Martin Van 
Buren, by David Crockett. Philadelphia, 1835) are devoted 
to a discussion of the finer points of Georgia politics. No 
other state comes in for nearly so great a share of the au- 
thor's attention. 

The literary style of this book is clearly such as to have 
been out of Crockett's compass. Whenever the author be- 
comes absorbed In an explanation of political affairs he falls 
into a vocabularly that Crockett could not have commanded. 
He uses words like "Imbued," and "obvious;" and maintains 
his "whom's" through mazes In which only the wary would 
have known how to keep them from reverting into plain 

At the conclusion of the Van Buren biography "Crockett" 
practically admits (pp. 206-8) that he did not write it. "I 



wrote this," he says, "just as truly as President Andrew 
f Jackson wrote his state-papers;" and then, by large implica- 
tion, "which everybody knows, of course, he did not write 
at all." 

In that all of this bears on the question of Crockett's au- 
thorship of one of his books, it bears on his authorship of 
all of them. 

The marvel of Crockett's having written a book of any 
sort has always been widely commented upon, but it is worth 
pointing out here that the real author of the autobiography 
was a man of reading. He knows Cowper's John Gilpin, 
is familiar with the traditions of Shakespeare's life, talks 
about current philosophical concepts ("the ruling passion") , 
and has taken Scott greatly to heart. (The backwoodsman 
whom he meets on the way to Texas has his cap set on his 
head in a manner plainly reminiscent of Quentin Durward.) 
Throughout the book he shows a quality of literary feeling 
not to be expected of an amateur. Especially artful is his 
tragic use of the old ballad in the parting scene between the 
bee-hunter and his sweetheart. 

Clayton and Crockett were political colleagues in the ses- 
sions of Congress held in the first half of the decade of 
J 830. The former was a person of what was considered 
broad culture, and the other was not, but it is necessary to 
remember that erudition in a man does not always inter- 
fere with his ability to enjoy the socially rough-and-ready 
sort of thing represented by Crockett. Indeed, with Augus- 
tus Baldwin Longstreet and Oliver Hillhouse Prince, Clay- 
ton was known as constituting the unparalleled "triumvirate 
of wits" of the old Georgia Bar, a body whose conception 
of wit was thoroughly in accord with the national one which 
so joyously acclaimed the "autobiography" in question. 

Clayton got out of Crockett so much that pleased him 
that he made himself very agreeable to the Tennessee 
Colonel. Each man, no doubt, soon developed sentiments 
of high esteem for the other. In describing (p. 46) a 
banquet tendered him in New York, Crockett says {/In 
Account of Col. Crockett^s Tour in the North and Down 


East) "There I met the Honorable Augustus S. Clayton 
of Georgia, and was right glad to see him, for / knew I 
could get him to take some of the speaking of of me. (Italics 
not in original.) Since Clayton sometimes spoke for Crock- 
ett it is conceivable that on occasion he wrote for him. The 
description of this banquet is concluded with some remarks 
on Clayton's ability as a speaker, more complimentary than 
one can fancy Clayton's having written himself. "He 
speaks prime, and is always ready and never goes off half- 
cock He made a speech that fairly made 

the tumblers hop." Perhaps Clayton was ingenious enough 
to recognize that this laudation of his own powers was a 
good screen for him to hide behind. But, leaving this con- 
sideration out of the question, it would seem that any ob- 
jecton to Clayton's authorship based on a hesitancy to think 
him vain could be met by the objector's having emphasized 
for him the fact that Crockett after all, since the book was 
to appear under his name, had some rights to express him- 
self as to what should go into it. Probably he demanded 
that this praise be included and probably Clayton, being 
most human, did not object any too fervently. 

Whoever wrote the "autobiography" thought often in 
terms of Georgia. He relates an incident that happened, he 
says, near Augusta {Col. Crockett's Tour in the North and 
Down East. p. i6). Then with only such careful changes 
as would diminish the impression that the author possessed 
any literary style, he incorporates in his narrative {Col. 
Crockett's Exploits and Adventures in Texas, pp. 17-19) 
the complete sketch, "Georgia Theatrics," taken from Long- 
street's Georgia Scenes. This sketch first appeared in a 
Georgia newspaper in 1834, but did not appear in boob 
form till 1835, ^^^ h^^ "o wide circulation before 1840. 
It is much more likely that in 1837 this sketch was shown to 
Clayton, who was a Georgian and a friend of Longstreet, 
than that it was known to Crockett. 



In the July, 1922 issue of the American Historical Re- 
view is published a paper of great interest to students of 
American history. In Slidell and Buchanan. Mr. Louis M. 
Sears had made a careful study of the Slidell correspondence 
among the Buchanan Papers in the Library of the Historical 
Society of Pennsylvania and shows not only that Slidell, with 
real political astuteness and rare devotion, was the Warwick 
in the elevation of Buchanan to the presidency but that he 
played a very vital part in shaping events in the eight years 
preceding the Civil War. Slidell was an ardent advocate 
of the annexation of Cuba, participated in administration 
conferences on that policy and in passages in his letters to 
Buchanan strongly suggests that he was the moving force 
behind the Ostend Manifesto. He was exceedingly con- 
temptuous of the weakness of Pierce, which he held to 
blame for the failure of the negotiations for Cuba and the 
futility of the Manifesto. One of the most interesting 
phases of the paper shows the attitude of Slidell toward 
other leaders of his party and the influence that he had on 
Buchanan in his dealings with these leaders. His antago- 
nism to Douglas led him to urge on Buchanan the policy of 
keeping Douglas and all his supporters out of the cabinet 
and since the north-west had to be represented the eleva- 
tion of Cass. He thought that Cobb and Walker were 
dangerous men but recommended Cobb as the safer of the 
two. With the opening of Buchanan's administration the 
correspondence is of less importance since both Buchanan 
and Slidell were in Washington and there were few oc- 
casions for communicating in writing. Other articles in 
this number of the Review are Science at the Court of the 
Emperor Fredrick II, by Charles H. Haskins and the De- 
velopment of Metropolitan Economy in Europe and Ameri- 
ca by N. S. B. Gros. 



As the first article In the June, 1922, number the Missis- 
sippi Valley Historical Review published Propaganda as a 
Source of American History, the noteworthy address de- 
livered by Professor F. H. Hodder at the annual dinner of 
the Mississippi Valley Historical Association held In connec- 
tion with the meeting of the American Historical Associa- 
tion In St. Louis, December 27, 1921. In this adress Pro- 
fessor Hodder points out that while propaganda Is not 
necessarily dishonest it is necessarily one sided and is almost 
certain to be strongly prejudiced and that it Is perhaps worth 
while to review our American History for the purpose of 
Inquiring to what extent propaganda may have been used 
as a source and may have become a part of it as It Is written. 
Professor Hodder established this thesis by showing that 
accepted history concerning well known events and personali- 
ties of American history Is based on propaganda : Colum- 
bus, John Smith, the Puritans, the American Revolution, the 
"great History by Henry Adams," the Adams family, Mar- 
cus Whitman and Oregon, and the issues growing out of 
slavery. But Professor Hodder finds that the organization 
of propaganda went further than it had ever gone before 
against the league and the last president. "Not only were 
Mr. Wilson's character and purposes misrepresented, but 
the larger part of the newspaper press and practically the 
whole of the periodical and book publishing press were 
closed to his defense either by formal or tacit agreement. — 
Doubleday, Page & Company appear to have been the only 
pubHshers willing to issue books favorable to Wilson. The 
only exception, so far as noted. Is the publication of Creel's, 
The World the War and Wilson by Harper and Brothers." 
It seems clear to Professor Hodder "That there is great 
need of a thorough re-examination of the sources upon which 
our history has been based" and he ventures the prediction 
"that when, after the mist of controversy has lifted and the 
poison gas of propaganda has rolled away, the history of the 
last decade Is written, Woodrow Wilson will rank with 
Washington and Lincoln as a national hero and In world 
history will occupy a place, not open even to them." The 


Polictlcal Significance of the Pension Question by Donald 
L. McMurry, the second article in the June number of the 
Review, is well worth our study in the light of present day 
policies and politics. 

Among the articles of Interest for students of history 
In the South Atlantic Quarterly, July, 1922, are Gandhi and 
the Hunger-strike in India by W. Norman Brown, Three 
Southerners by Broadus Mitchell, the Election of 1876 In 
South Carolina by Francis B. Simklns and John G. DeBrahm 
by L. L. Bernard. In Three Southerners, Broadus Mitchell, 
of the Johns Hopkins Universlt}^ shows In dramatic fashion 
how the South "sprang from agriculture, slavery and separa- 
tism into manufacture, wage labor and national participa- 
tion" by drawing for us the portraits of three men whom he 
met on a recent trip through that section. The paper on 
John G. DeBrahm by A. J. Morrison is of Interest to Geor- 
gians. DeBrahm, who was one of the German colonists 
who established the settlement of Bethany In Georgia In 
175 1, was not only a surveyor and an engineer but a writer 
on historical, philosophic and geographical subjects. He 
surveyed the frontier of Georgia and helped to make the 
first map of South Carolina and Georgia. He was a first 
rate military engineer, fortified Charleston, Savannah and 
other posts, and was made Surveyor General for the South- 
ern District of North America In 1764. DeBrahm's Geor- 
gia material w^as printed In 1849 ^" forty-nine copies quarto 
by Mr. Wymberley Jones of Wormsloe. 

The Sonth-zvestern Historical Quarterly, July, 1922, con- 
tains the following articles : The Indian Policy of the Re- 
public of Texas, II, by Anna Muckleroy, Some Aspects of 
the History of West and Northwest Texas Since 1845, ^Y 
R. C. Crane, Life and Service of John Birdsall by Adele B. 
Looscan, the Bryan-Hayes Correspondence edited by E. W. 

The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, July 
1922, presents the third installment of Letters from William 
and Mary, 1 795-1 799, from originals In the collection of 
Thomas S. Watson and When the Convicts Came, a chap- 


ter from "Land IVfarks of Old Prince William," by Fairfax 
Harrison. In the latter article Is discussed the Act of Par- 
liament of 17 1 8 by which convicts were transported to the 
"plantations," the criminal activity of these convicts In Vir- 
ginia and the devices of Virginia in dealing with this prob- 
lem, including the struggle between the Northern neck and 
the "tuckahoes" over the policy of encouraging them after 
their term of service was completed to take post in the ever 
widening frontier. Continued in this number of the Maga- 
zine are Minutes of the Council and General Court, 1622- 
1629, Virginia Gleanings on England, and Virginia Quit 
Rent Rolls, 1704. 

In the Tennessee Historical Magazine, April, 192 1, 
(issued June, 1922) Dr. R. S. Cotterill, of Louisville, Ken- 
tucky, writes of the Natchez Trace. "The Importance to 
Kentucky of the Natchez Trace lay in the fact that it was the 
favorite way home for the boatmen returning from New 
Orleans and Natchez. Its value was the value of the New 
Orleans trade .... For the more Southern 
countries the Natchez Trace was not only a boatman's road 
but an immigrant road as well. Much of the Immigration 
Into the Interior of Alabama and Mississippi found Its way 

along this road Jefferson Davis came 

over It to Kentucky when he was a boy. Old Hickory led his 
army over It to Natchez In 181 2 — and led it back again. 
Lorenzo Dow traveled It many times from Lexington south- 
ward In his revival campaigns in the west and classified It as 
one of the trials of the adversary. Meriwether Lewis died 
on It as he was returning home from his western expedition 
But the glory of the Trace departed with the 
coming of the steamboat." Other articles in this number of 
the Magazine are Calvin Morgan McClung and His Libra- 
ry by George F. Mellen and the Boyhood of President Polk 
bv Honorable A. V. Goodpasture, and the Battle of King's 
Mountain by Honorable Samuel C. Williams. 


The History of Georgia in the Eighteenth Century, As 
Recorded in the Reports of the Georgia Bar Association. 
Compiled by Orvllle A. Park. (Reprinted from the Annual 
Report of the Georgia Bar Association.) (1921.) pp. 143. 

Mr. Park quotes a remark made by Chancellor Hill many 
years ago, calling attention "to the new literature coming 
into existence through the Instrumentality of the bar asso- 
ciations of the several states," and containing "monographs 
on legal topics, and valuable contributions to legal history, 
to the discussion of public questions, and to the literature of 
the law." In preparing this paper for the thirty-eighth 
annual session of the Georgia Bar Association in 192 1, Mr. 
Park sought to make available some of the important mate- 
rial bearing on the history of Georgia, found In the volumes 
of the annual proceedings of the association. So abun- 
dant was the material that he found It desirable to limit the 
paper to a definite period, and chose to confine It "to the 
first sixty-seven years, from the founding of the Colony to 
the end of the century." 

The method of presentation adopted was that of select- 
ing extracts from different monographs, papers and ad- 
dresses (thirty-six in all), so combining and arranging the 
extracts as "to form something of a connected whole." "Of 
course the story Is not so smoothly told by the lips of many 
as if one only had spoken. But under the plan adopted the 
Identity of each writer Is preserved — each tells his own story 
in his own way. To increase the unity of the story, the 
extracts are printed without quotation marks and without 
reference in the text to the papers from which they are 
taken. After each extract, however, Is a reference to a 
table printed in an appendix, from which the author and the 
exact reference to the paper may be found. 

The chief disadvantage of this method of compilation, 
considering the book as a contribution to the history of the 
state, is that its statements are culled from thirty-six dif- 


ferent authorities, not all of which, presumably, were based 
on equally painstaking research, and hence not all were 
equally reliable as authentic history. Inasmuch as the 
original authors' references to their sources are not given, 
verification is made difficult, although it is possible through 
the appendix to go back to the authors quoted for such cita- 
tions of authorities as they may have given. Still, it must 
be remembered that Mr. Park's work was originally pre- 
pared as a convention paper, and to have included all the 
original authors' citations would have involved a large 
amount of additional expense and labor in preparing the 
paper for publication. 

For the same reason' undoubtedly, there is no index, but a 
table of contents lists the titles of the topics treated. This 
list shows that practically all the topics are questions of legal 
or judicial interest. This is natural, for, as the compiler 
states, "the Bar Association historians have been largely 
interested in the constitutional and legal history of the state 
and its military and political history are only alluded to 
incidentally." But the compilation is an interesting and im- 
portant contribution to state history, and bears out Mr. 
Park's assertion "that a very fair history of Georgia has 
been written and recorded in the annual reports of the 
Georgia Bar Association, and much of the legal history of 
the state is better told in these reports than anywhere else." 

C. S. T. 






VOL. VII.— No. 4 


One Dollar a Number. Three Dollars a Year 

Entered as second class matter, March 14, 1921, 

at the post office at Macon, Georgia, under the 

act of August 24, 1912. 



President Vice-President 


First Vice-President Vice-President 


Vice-President Secretary-Treasurer 







T. M. CUNNINGHAM, Jr Savannah MRS. A. R. LAWTON _...Savannah 


LAWTON B. EVANS. Augusta A. C. NEWELL Atlanta 




ROBERT PRESTON BROOKS „ University of Georgia 

ELLIS MERTON COULTER _ „ University of Georgia 

CLEO HEARON __ Agnes Scott College 

PERCY SCOTT FLIPPIN Mercer University 

CHARLES SEYMOUR THOMPSON....Savannah Public Library 




New Light Upon the Founding of Georgia. 

U, B. Phillips, Ph. D 277 

The Activities of the Missionaries Among 
the Cherokees. 
L. M. Collins, M. A 285 

Development of Agriculture in Lower Georgia 
From 1890 to 1920. 
R. M. Harper, Ph. D 323 

Howell Cobb Papers. 

Edited by R. P. Brooks, Ph. D -355 

Book Reviews 395 

President of the Society v- -399 

The Georgia Historical Quarterly 

Volume VII. December, 1922 Number 4 


Professor of History in the 
University of Michigan, 

It has long been known that the first Earl of Egmont was 
a leader In promoting the colonization of Georgia, and that 
he wrote a journal of the trustees* meetings^ which is much 
more detailed than the official record. In addition, a vol- 
uminous private diary of his is now being printed as a public 
document of the British government. The first volume of 
this, which has now appeared,^ containing about one-third 
of the manuscript and covering the years from 1730 to 
1733) supplements greatly the knowledge previously avail- 
able upon a wide variety of English affairs in the period. 
It reports elaborately a number of debates in Parliament 
which the official records have given only In the most frag- 
mentary form ; it illustrates vividly the manoeuvering of the 
politicians great and small; it tells many curious things of 
life in royal and aristocratic circles; and it shows the author 
to have been a high-minded courtier as well as an ardent 
philanthropist, a music lover, a collector of engravings, and 
a devoted husband and father, yet enough of a gossip withal 
to establish him now as a very notable diarist. More to 

1 This Is extant only for the years from 1738 to 1744, It was first printed 
privately by G. W. J. DeRenne as one of the Wormsloe Quartos : John, Earl of 
Egrmont, A Journal of the Trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia in Ameri' 
ca. Wormsloe, 1886 (edition limited to 49 copies) ; and is now more generally 
accessible as volume five of the Georgia Colonial Records. 

2. Historical^anu*ertirtg'''73omttilsKlon. Manuscripts of the Earl of Egmont, 
Diary of Viscount Percival, afterward First Earl of Egmont. 7ol. 1. 1730-1733. 
Presented to Parliament by Command of His Majesty. London, 1920. pp. XIX, 
477. price two shillings. 


the present purpose, the book adds materially to the pre- 
viously existing knowledge of the inception of the Georgia 
project and the launching of the colony. At the time the 
diary opens^ the author, then bearing the title of Viscount 
Percival in the peerage of Ireland^ was forty-seven years 
of age and in the midst of social, political and philanthropic 
affairs. Prompted, as he relates,^ by a desire to be of serv- 
ice to the new king» George II, he had procured election 
from a family borough to the English House of Commons ; 
and he had served under Oglethorpe's chairmanship on the 
Parliamentary committee for investigating conditions in the 
English prisons. Furthermore he had long been an intimate 
friend of Dean Berkeley* ho had sounght through years 
to establish a college in America; and he also was a mem- 
ber of a board of trustees who adopted the name "the 
Associates of the Late Dr. Bray" and continued Bray's 
own work in two lines, the establishment of local religious 
libraries and the conversion of negroes to Christianity.^ 

The first two entries in the diary concerning Georgia pro- 
ject are so significant as to call for quotation at some length. 
Under date of February 13, 1730: 

I met Mr. Oglethorp [sic] who informed that he had found a 
very considerable charity, even fifteen thousand pounds, which lay 
in trustees' hands, and was like to have been lost because the heir of 
the testator being one of the trustees, refused to concur with the) 
other two in any methods for disposing of the money, in hopes, as 
they were seventy years old each of them, they would soon die, and 
he should remain only surviving trustee, and then might apply it all 
to his own use. That the two old men were very honest and desirous 
to be discharged of their burthen, and had concurred with him to get 
the matter lodged in a Master of Chancery's hands till new trustees 
should be appointed to dispose thereof in a way that should be ap- 
proved of by them in conjunction with the Lord Chancellor. That the 
heir of the testator had opposed this, and there had been a lawsuit 
thereupon, which Oglethorp had carried against the heir, who appealed 

1 January 8, 1730. The diary was probably begun at an earlier time, but 
if so the preceding portions have not been preserved. 

2 He was raised to the Earldom of Egroont, also in the Peerage of Ireland, 
In August, 1733. 

3. Diary, p. 20. TJ^e pages of the diary will not be cited where the dates otf 
its items are given in the text of this study. 

4. Cf. Benjamin Rand, Berkeley and Percival. Cambridge, 1914. 

5. Cf. An excellent brief study. "The Philanthropists and the Genesis of 
Georgia", by Professor Verner W. Crane of Brown University, in the American 
Historical Review XXVII. 63 (October. 1821'). Those who became Georgia 
trustees included all the trustees of the Dalone will and all of the Bray associates. 
Indeed the Georgia board in its own sessions handled the affairs of the Dalone 
and Bray legacies until May 1733, when upon discovery that this was irregular, 
th© three administrations were separated. (Diary, pp. 378-382). 


against the decree; but my Lord Chancellor had confirmed it, and it 
was a pleasure to him to have been able in one year's time to be able 
at law to settle this affair. That the trustees had consented to this 
on condition that the trust should be annexed to some trusteeship' 
already in being, and that being informed that I was a trustee for 
Mr. Dalone's legacy, who left about a thousand pounds to convert 
negroes, he had proposed to me and my associates as proper persons 
to be made trustees of this new affair; that the old gentleman ap- 
proved of us, and he hoped I would accept it in conjunction with 
himself and several of our Committee of Gaols, as Mr. Towers, Mr. 
Hughes, Mr. Holland, Major Selwjm, and some other gentlemen 
of worth, as Mr Sloper and Mr. Vernon, Commissioner of the Excise. 
I told him it was a great pleasure to me to hear his great industry 
in recovering and securing so great a charity and to be joined with 
gentlemen whose worth I knew so well. . . He then . . . said 
that he must tell me by the way, the old trustees of the fifteen 
thousand pounds would as yet allow but five thousand pounds to be 
under our management, which sum would answer the scheme; that 
the scheme is to procure a quantity of acres either from the Govern- 
ment or by gift or purchase in the West Indies, and to plant thereon 
a hundred miserable ■v\rretches who being let out of gaol by the last 
year's Act are, are now starving about the town ^or want of employ- 
ment: that they should be settled all together by way of colony, and 
be subject to subordinate rulers, who should inspect their behaviour, 
and labour under one chief head; that in time they with their fam- 
ilies would increase so fast as to become a security and defense of 
our possessions againt the French and Indians of those parts; that 
they should be employed in cultivating flax and hemp, which being 
allowed to make into yarn, would be returned to England and Ire- 
land, and greatly promote our manufactures. All which I ap- 

Next under date of April I the following: 

I called on Mr. Oglethorp, who kept me three hours and more ex- 
plaining his project of sending a colony of poor and industrious deb- 
tors to the West Indies. . . .Our business is to get a Patent or 
Charter for incorporating a number of honest and reputable persons 
to pursue this good work. Mr. Oglethorpe told me that the number 
relieved by the last year's Act out of prison for debt are ten thousand, 
and that three hundred are returned to take the benefit thereof from 
Prussia, many of whom are woolen manufactuers. 

These items go far toward extinguishing all possible 
doubts that the Georgia project originated in Oglethorpe's 
mind.^ They indicate very strongly, in fact, that the plan 
was framed in all essentials before he communicated it to 
those who were to be his fellow trustees. Oglethorpe's ac- 
count to Percival implies furthermore that it was the dis- 
covery of this fund, which had been bequeathed by "one 
King, a haberdasher" for unspecified charitable uses which 

1. As to these doubts, see James P. McCain, Georgia as a Proprietary Prov- 
ince, pp. 60, 61. 


suggested to Oglethorpe the thought of a charitable colony. 
The distresses of unemployment among the liberated deb- 
tor-prisoners, however, were doubtless already a matter of 
concern to him. 

Incidentally It should be noted In connection with the pas- 
sages quoted above, that the term "West Indies" was In 
those times often used to Include the continent as well as the 
Islands; and Oglethorpe's allusion to the protection of the 
English "possessions In those parts" against the French and 
Indians suggests an Intention of a continental location from 
the first. Many times afterward the diary names "Carolina" 
as the Intended location, and curiously It does not mention 
"Georgia" until May, 1732, the month following the sig- 
nature of the charter by the king. The reason was that 
no name was adopted for the colony until many months 
after the Inception of the project. Some of the chronology 
In the premises may be gathered from the proceedings of the 
Privy Council which have somewhat recently been published 
for this period.^ It there appears that the first name pro- 
posed by the petitioners for themselves was "the Corporation 
for Establishing Charitable Colonys in America" ; and the 
name "Georgia" does not occur until December 14, 1731. 

The course of events concerning the charter itself may be 
traced from Perclval's diary and the Acts of the Privy Coun- 
cil In combination. On July 30, 1730, Perclval records: 
"we agreed on a petition to the King and Council for ob- 
taining a grant of lands on the south-west of Carolina for 
settling poor persons of London, and having ordered it to 
be engrossed fair, we signed It, all who were present, and 
the other Associates were to be spoke also to sign It before 
delivered." This petition for a grant of land and a charter 
of incorporation was considered by the Privy Council 
on September 17, 1730, and was referred to a committer 
which in turn referred It, November 13, to the Board of 
Trade. In the report which this board promptly made, the 

1. Acts of the Privy Council of England Colonial Series. Vol. Ill, A. D. 
1720-17J,5. Hereford : Printed for His Majesty's Stationery Office. 1910. Price 
ten shillings. The proceedings in regard to the charter of Georgia are recorded 
In pages 299-305. 


intending trustees found some objectionable details; and on 
January 12, 1731, the committee of the Privy Council re- 
ferred it back to the Board of Trade along with proposed 
alterations, which concerned chiefly the power of appoint- 
ing and removing civil and military officers in the colony. 
The board then consented to the vesting of this power in 
the trustees, and cordially recommended the incorporation 
of the petitioners and the grant to them of the land lying 
between the Savannah and "Alatamaha" rivers. The com- 
mittee of the Privy Council endorsed this on November 18, 
and advised that the Attorney and Solicitor General be di- 
rected to prepare a draft of a charter accordingly; and on 
January 28 the Privy Council adopted this recommendation 
of its committee. When in the following June, however, 
the petitioners were informed of the terms of the charter 
as it came from the hands of the Attorney General, they 
were dissatisfied with its provisions concerning the terms 
of the councellors in office, the control of militia, and taxes 
on import and export trade. ^ The summer dispersion 
presumably prevented a meeting of of the associates until 
September 7, when they determined to present arguments 
against the objectionable features. In November Ogle- 
thorpe had hopes of procuring a satisfactory revision; but 
when on January 19, 1732, the Privy Council's committee 
on "Plantation Affairs" voted in Percival's presence to ap- 
prove the draft of the Charter, not all the changes re- 
quested had been made. Perclval adds to his laconic re- 
lation of this episode: "and we concerned therein acquiesced 
in their pleasure, though against the grain." 

All that now remained. It was thought, was mere formal- 
ity; and, putting vigorous pressure upon the crown officials, 
the trustees expected a speedy Issue. But the lapse of a 
month without decisive action brought a crisis. Perclval 
wrote on February 18: "Perceiving an unaccountable de- 
lay in the putting his Majesty's seal to the Carolina char- 
ter, . . .ail our gentlemen concerned as trustees are much 

Diarj p. 198 


out of humur, and some are for flinging it up." Both he 
and Oglethorpe now made stringent protests and inquiries 
in high circles, which yielded the information, February 
25, that the obstruction came from the king himself on the 
ground that the charter did not reserve the appointment of 
militia officers to the crown. At a meeting hastily sum- 
moned, the petitioners resolved not to accept a revision in 
this regard, for fear that it would cause the colony to be 
burdened with expensive placemen and impede the adminis- 
tration of government. By much running to and fro in the 
next few days the influence of the chief ministers was en- 
listed on their side; and the king, having yielded his objec- 
tion, put his flat upon the charter on January 26* and 
formally signed it on April 21, 1732.^ 

The pressing problem now became that of finance. As to 
the bequest of King, the haberdasher, one of its trustees 
had long since developed doubts that the Georgia project 
was consonant with the testator's intentions; and apparently 
the Georgia trust never procured any part of that fund. 
On the other hand the estimate of expense had not shrunk. 
Percival wrote, April 23, 1732: "Captain Coram, who 
knew the West Indies well, had declared to me that we 
could not set out under 12,000 /. Mr. La Roche agreed 
we could not under 10,000/. I said that was too little, 
for every family will stand us in 100 /. at 20/. a head 
the bare fitting out with tools, clothes and transporting; 
besides which we were to maintain them in provisions a 
year when arrived, to build houses etc., and to erect a 
sort of fort, etc."- In default of any prospect of copious 
funds from private subscriptions; concerning which pre- 
liminary steps had long since been taken, the thoughts of 
the trustees were turning to the public treasury. They now 

1. Diary, p. 260. The official date of the charter is June 9, but this merely 
marks the completion of routine procedure, the affixing of the seal. In the interim 
the trustees had expressed their thanks to the chief officers of state for the grant- 
ing of the charter and proceeded to business as a virtually constituted body, 
though their first formal session -VFas not held until July 20. 

2. In the next month Lord Carteret, the veteran proprietor of the pro"\ince of 
Carolina expressed the opinion to Percival that the first settlement should be 
begun with not less than a thousand persons, with resources of not less than 
L20,000 (Diary, p. 278). 


devised a scheme of considerable adroitness. Having pre- 
viously procured the approval of Walpole and the King, 
they caused petitions to be presented In the House of Com- 
mons, May 12, from residents of Westminster, Southwark 
and other localities in and about London, ''complaining of the 
the great abuses and mischief arising from vagrants and beg- 
gars who have no settlement. It was Intended by Mr. Ogle- 
thorp and the other gentlemen concerned in the new intended 
settlement of colonies in South Carolina to ground thereupon 
a motion for addressing the King to grant 10,000 /. to us 
for transporting those vagrants and beggars under the age 
of sixteen to South Carolina, and bind them to masters 
we should send over; but an unexpected opposition arose 
against us," which balked the plan for that year. 

On May 10, 1733, the question was revived in Parlia- 
ment by a petition from the Georgia trustees. After Sir Rob- 
ert Walpole had announced that the king had no objection 
to the granting of funds In aid of the colony. Sir Joseph 
Jekyl, Sir John Barnard, Horace Walpole and Colonel Bla- 
den, as well as Oglethorpe and Percival, spoke in favor of . 
a grant. On the other side Mr. Whitworth spoke against j 
the giving of public money, and also Mr. WInnington who 
said "Our views of raising wine or silk or potashes might 
not answer, and we should buy our experience too dear." 
As to Whitworth's opposition, Percival confided to his 
diary: '*I did not wonder at It, for he told me this morn- 
ing that he was against enlarging our colonies, and wished 
New England at the bottom of the sea." The opponents 
were too few to prevent the prompt appropriation of £10, 

Meanwhile, in October, 17'^ 2, although only £2000 had 
been procured in subscriptions,^ the trustees resolved to 
plant the settlement. This resolution was against Percl- 
vaPs judgment; but Oglethorpe's decision to conduct the 
expedition in person diminished his apprehensions.- The 

1. These included £600 from director? of the East India Company, £3iOO 
from the directors of the Bank of England, and £300 from the trustees of the 
Earl of Thanet's legacy (Diary, p. 392). 

2. Diary, p. 293. 



chief concern of the trustees now became the selection of 
persons to be sent "on the charity", the granting of lands* 
and the framing of laws. In these premises and in Georgia 
affairs in general after the summer of 1733^ the diary adds 
little to previous knowledge; for on the one hand the of- 
ficial journal of the trustees embodies all important data, 
and on the other hand Percival had his interest now dis- 
tracted for many months by other matters. There are 
nevertheless in the diary, early and late, many more Geor- 
gia items than have here been noted; and no future re- 
search may neglect the scanning of its every page. 



The Cherokee Indians derived their name from '*Che- 
ra," meaning fire, according to Adair, which was their re- 
puted lower heaven.^ According to the Report of the Bu- 
reau of Ethnology, their tribal name is a corruption of 
Tsalagi, or Tsaragi, the name by which they commonly call- 
ed themselves, and which may be derived from the Choc- 
taw ^'Chilukke," meaning ''cave people," in allusion to their 
numerous caves in their mountainous country. They were 
a branch of the Iroquois Indians. 

At one time the Cherokee Nation was the largest single 
tribe of Indians in America. Their territory in the six- 
teenth century, when first known, consisted of all the south- 
ern part of the Appalachian Mountains, embracing the 
Ohio River on the North, extending South to the head- 
waters of the Savannah and Broad Rivers in Georgia and 
South Carolina, and as far west as the Tennessee (or 
Cherokee) River and its tributary streams, from their 
sources down to the vicinity of Muscle Shoals. ^ 

The natives made two divisions of their country — 
"Ayrate," low and *'Ottare" Mountainous.^ The former 
was on the headwaters of the Savannah River; the latter 
on the eastern-most rivers of the great Mississippi. Their 
towns were always close to a river or creek. The lan- 
guage had three principal dialects: Elati, or lower; middle 
and Atali, mountain or upper. 

On the west side of the Savannah River, the Cherokees 
were confronted on the south by the Creeks, the division 

* Presented at the E'lghty -Third Annual Meeting of the Georgia Historical 
Society, April 12, 1922. 

1. Account of the Cherokee Nation — Adair. 
2. Antiquities of Southern Indians-C. C. Jones ; The Cherokee Nation of In- 
dians — C. C. Royce, — (Bureau of Ethnology, Report Tr. 1887). 
3. Acount of the Cherokee Nation. — Adair. 


line being Broad River and generally along 34 degrees 
north ; west by the Muskogee tribe and east by the Ca- 

Traditional, linguistic and archeologic evidence showed 
that the Cherokees were originally from the North, but 
they were found in full possession of the Blue Ridge Moun- 
tains as early as 1540, when first encountered by DeSoto 
In his march through Georgia to the Mississippi River. He 
engaged in several combats with them, seeking and digging 
metal, especially gold, in their country. But it was not 
until one hundred and fifty years later, that any relations 
with the colonists were begun. Royce said that traders 
from Virginia moved among them as early as 1540. 

About that time there were eight thousand within the 
nation. In 17 15 they were estimated in number about eleven 
thousand, two hundred and ten, including four thousand 
warriors, and living in thirty villages.^ In 1729 they were 
computed to number twenty thousand, distributed in sixty 
four towns, and affording at least six thousand warriors.^ 
Adair said that in 1735 they were a "very numerous and 
potent nation, with at least sixty four towns and villages, 
populous and full of women." 

In 1739 they are said to have received a "most depop- 
ulating shock by the small-pox" and rum, which according 
to Adair, reduced them one half after a years time. The 
weight of authority is that they lost one thousand warriors. 
This decrease was steady until after the Revolutionary 
War, for they lost heavily in the encounters with the 

In 1 8 10 the state of Georgia was composed of thirty 
nine counties, with a population of approximately 225,000. 
The Cherokees occupied 16,815 square miles, their terri- 
tory being one hundred and sixty miles and ninety-nine and 
one half miles broad. The Creeks at that time occupied 
fourteen thousand nine hundred and eighty one square miles, 
which was one hundred and forty two miles long, by one 

1. Antiquities of Southern Indians — C. C. Jones. 

2. The Cherokee Nation of Indians — Royce. 

3. History of Georgia — Stevens. Vol. I, p49. 


hundred five and a half broad. Therefore, the area of 
Georgia that was laid out by whijte people, was fifteen thou- 
sand one hundred and thirty four square miles, one hun- 
dred and fifty miles long by thirty miles across. This was 
less than one fourth of the whole. By 1825, through various 
cessions, the Cherokees had ceded a good portion to the 
state, but still owned 9,537)920 acres of land in northwest 
Georgia. There were at that time about nine thousand 
Cherokees within the nation.^ By the time of removal, 
there were sixteen thousand five hundred and forty two.^ 

The treaty relations between the Cherokees and the colo- 
nists began as early as 1721, when jealousy of French ter- 
ritorial encroachments persuaded Governor Nicholson of 
South Carolina to invite the Cherokees to a congress with 
a view to conclusion of peace and restoration of the trade 
relations. At that time an agent was appointed to superin- 
tend the affairs.^ 

The first intercourse with the English had been as early 
as 1623 when the English in Virginia massacred a number 
of Cherokees, and in 1666, when the Virginians first came 
in contact with them. In 1693, t^^enty chiefs of the nation 
went to Charleston to secure the aid of the Carolinians 
against the Etaws and the Congarees.^ In 17 12 they fur- 
nished two hundred warriors to South Carolina in her at- 
tack upon the Tuscaroras. 

In 1729 Carolina was divided into two states: North 
and South Carolina. It was deemed necessary to secure 
the alliance of the Cherokees. Sir Alexander Cumming 
was sent over by Great Britian in 1730 to negotiate the 
treaty which was made with both states on April 3 of the 
same year. The Indians acknowledged themselves dutiful 
subjects of King George II, and at Sir Alexander Cum- 
mings' request, six or seven warriors went to England to 
do homage to the king. They were received in court and 
on June 30, 1730, a treaty was signed at Dover, whereby 

1. Georgia Baptist Compendium.- (Compiled by The Christian Index -1881) 

2. Report of Bureau of Ethnology. Preface, p. IX. 

3. The Cherokee Nation of Indiana, — Royce. 

4. History of Greorgia-Stevens. — Vol. I. p, 48. 


the Cherokees submitted to the sovereignty of the King 
and his successors agreed to trade only with English and to 
permit only English to live among them.^ 

Soon after Georgia was established, Oglethorpe, laid out 
the town of Augusta on the Savannah River as a trade cen- 
ter and gateway to the Cherokee Nation. Augusta was al- 
so headquarters for furnishing the English among the 
Cherokees with ammunition to prevent the French from 
secured their ald.^ There was also a road built from 
Savannah to the Cherokee Nation, through Augusta. 
Large numbers of the Cherokees came annually to Augusta 
to trade with the Georgians and Carolinians for powder 
and lead, and more especially for rum.^ The majorty of 
the Cherokees still went to Pensacola, Florida, which was 
a large Spanish trading center.^ 

Occasional strife between the colonists and the Indians 
occurred, but the greatest trouble of the colonists lay in 
their efforts to keep out the influence of the French. As 
early as 1736, the French had sent a German named Chris- 
tian Priber, among the Cherokees to secure their aid a- 
agalnst the English and to organize their government on a 
civilized basis. This mission failed, but after a number of 
attempts. In 1759 the French finally secured their s^mi- 
pathy in a war against Great Britain. They moved a- 
gainst the English In South Carolina in 1759, but Governor 
Littleton defeated them and forced them to sign a peace 
treaty in 1760, agreeing to kill all resident Fenchmen.^ 

The Cherokees fought on the side of the English during 
the French and Indian wars from 17 11 til 1716.^ Mean- 
while the French became formidable competitors for the 
Indian trade. Through their trading posts In New Orleans 
and Mobile they continually took advantage of the Chero- 
kees. Ther efforts amounted to very little until 1759 when. 

1. American Colonial Tracts, No. 3. 

2. History of Georgia — Stevens, Vol. I p. 49. 

4. Colonial Records of Georgia, Vol. IV. p. 666. 

3. Stevens' History of Georgia. — Vol. I. p. 137, 139. 

5. Royce — Cherokee Nation of Indians, (Bureau oi Ethnology, Report V. 1837) 
G. Bat^sett J. P. Short Histoi-y of United States, p. 130. 


after the capture of Fort Duquesne a number of the Chero- 
kees deserted, and, by their misconduct In Virginia and the 
slaying of twenty-two whites in North Carolina, a number 
of their warriors were killed. The Cherokees retaliated 
but were repressed for a short time by Gov. Littleton of 
South Carolina, who held a large number of their envoys 
as hostages. 

After this the war became general. In 1760 and In the 
first half of 1761, the tribe gave much trouble around 
Charleston. In June 1761, Colonel Grant, with an army 
of twenty-six hundred, composed of regulars and of the 
South Carolina militia, won a decisive victory.^ 

During the Revolutionary War the Cherokees were 
friendly to and aided the English, and continued the strug- 
gle almost without interval until 1794. Up until that time 
there had been no serious disturbance with any of the In- 
dians in Georgia. In the first part of the war, an expedition 
under Colonel John Twiggs, John Jones and Captain Mas- 
bury had been sent out, which was victorious. Earlier in 
the war, the Cherokees had given trouble In North Caro- 
lina, along the Watauga Valley, but had been conquered. 
Virginia, South Carolina, Kentucky and Tennessee had all 
suffered from the Indian attacks. The Tories, who were 
fugitives, had taken up their residence among the Chero- 
kees and were continually stirring up strife. The Spanish 
under Alexander McGIllIray, were trying to extend their 
influence. All these, with various other reasons, caused 
the prolongation of the Indian troubles. In 1793, Sevier, 
with a band of East Tennesseans, and in 1794, Robertson, 
with a party of West Tennesseans, overcame the offending 
Cherokees, burning their villages and killing without mercy. 
From that time the Cherokees were peaceful.- 

Among the last treaties ^made under the Continental Con- 
gress was that of July 1,371, between the Cherokees and 
Virginia and North Carolina.- At that time. Major 

1. Bassett-History of the United fftates, p, 265 

2. Personal Papers, Nathaniel Green, Mss. Library of Congress. This treaty 
of 1871 is not mentioned in list of treaties published in the American State 
Papers- (Indian Affairs) ■ 


Nathaniel Green was In command of the Southern Depart- 
ment. The Cherokees had been continuing hostilities with 
the whites In these states for some time, but after inter- 
ference by Major General Green, had sued for peace. 

The following men were appointed from Virginia as 
delegates: William Christian, William Preston, Arthur 
Campbell and Joseph Martin* Robert Severe, John Se- 
vere, Evan Shelby, Joseph Williams were from North Caro- 
lina. These men were to meet the Indians "for the purpose 
of treating on the adjustments of the respective limits of 
each party; and exchange of presents; a suspension of hos- 
tilities; conclusion of a peace; and one thing else, for the 
establishment of harmony and understanding between the 
contending parties as might seem proper."^ 

Five hundred Indians came to an Island in Holston River 
in June, but because of an Insufficient number of commission- 
ers from the United States, the meeting was postponed un- 
til July 26. OiTlKat date the parties began their negotia- 
tions with the usual formalities: smoking, shaking hands, 
and exchange of gifts. 

The Cherokees were assured by Colonel Christian that 
the treaty was for all thirteen states, Georgia, South Caro- 
lina, and others, and that if they "raise a hatchet against 
one, raise against all" for "we are one people linked to- 
gether." Colonel Severe told them, "it Is want of acquain- 
tance that we have disliked you." 

Much was said concerning the exchange of prisoners that 
were being held. It was later agreed that they would re- 
turn all whites held in thirty-six days. It was here too, 
that for the first time, the question of establishing schools 
In the Indian territory, for the benefit of the Cherokee boys, 
was discussed. One Tassell, the leader of the Cherokees. 
laid before the commissioners the Indian claims to the land 
they were then "standing on". According to the treaty 
drafted at the same place, 1777, their claim was justified, 
and the United States commissioners admitted their owner- 

1. Georgia and State Rights — Phillips ; Cherokee Nation of Indians — Royce. 


ship and promised to ^'protect and save it** for them. After 
that permanent boundaries were fixed. 

There were a number of English living among the Chero- 
kees who advised war with the colonies, because they were 
people "possessed of evil spirits." Tassell and Clanuseh 
denounced this, admitting their surprise and telling the 
whites that their country was forever open to them, asked 
an ideminity from North Carolina for their former en- 

Upon the conclusion of the conference, the Cherokees 
were unable to agree to the treaty, because of lack of funds. 
The Governor of Virginia appropriated 200,000 pounds of 
Virginia money for an agent, the expense of making the 
treaties, and for ammunition, powder and lead, which was 
to be donated to the Cherokees for their winter hunt. 
After this there were no treaty relations with Virginia un- 
til January 7, 1806, when Long, or Great Island, in Hol- 
ston River, was ceded to the whites. This was the last of 
the Cherokee land in the state of Virginia. There were, 
however, a number of treaties between the United States 
and the Cherokees, in which there were cessions made. 

At the close of the Revolution, the Cherokees ceded to 
Georgia, May 31, 1783, land between the Oconee and Tug- 
alo Rivers.^ This was the last treaty under the Articles 
of Confederation. North Georgia was being rapidly de- 
veloped and settled, and new lands were in demand. Fre- 
quent conventions were held by commissioners of the United 
States, and the Cherokee chieftains, at some of which rep- 
resentatives of Georgia were present. But the tribe held 
fast to its land. In 1785, by the Treaty of Hopewell, the 
Cherokee Nation placed itself under the protection of the 
United States, and after that all treaties were made with 
the Federal Government, each time a specified boundary be- 
ing fixed, and the United States solemnly guaranteeing to 
the Cherokees all their land not therein ceded. ^ 

After 1795 no considerable portion of the Cherokee Na- 
tion was at any time seriously inclined to war. They be- 

1. Indian Affairs, American State Papers, Vol. II. 


gan to take up various pursuits and industrial careers. The 
old nomadic life was given up for agriculture by many, the 
forests were cleared and the lands were cultivated. 

The Cherokee land was, according to Worcester/ the 
best cotton land, and after the invention of the cotton gin 
in 1793, the price of cotton went up, and consequently be- 
came the main crop of the Cherokees. In fact though, the 
Creek lands were better adapted to cotton, with the then 
prevailing system of agriculture. When the Creek lands 
had been secured for settlement, the state authorities be- 
gan to make strenuous efforts toward expelling the Chero- 
kees. Thereafter, during the intervening years, until their 
removal, moderate steps were taken. 

As will be shown, they became the most enlightened tribe 
of Indians in America. This was due to the efforts of the 
missionaries, who established vocational schools among 
them, and to the whites, especially the Tories, who had 
taken up their residence among the natives. 

The Cherokees established a constitution and form of 
government, the leading features of which they borrowed 
from the United States. They divided their government 
into three separate departments, legislative, judicial and ex- 
ecutive. They adopted a code of laws, both civil and crim- 
inal, and directed eight district courts, with circuit judges, 
to expound and apply them. They had a Superior Court 
which met annually in their capital, New Echota, to which 
decisions might be appealed. Their legislative branch of 
government consisted of two houses, the National Commit- 
tee or upper house, with thirteen members, and the National 
Council, the representative body of the people, with thirty- 
two members, besides the speaker. The executive power 
was vested in two principal chiefs, who held office during 
good behavior.^ 

One of the greatest steps toward civilization came in 
1825, when Sequoyah, George Guess, an illiterate half 

1. Letters are In possession of Miss Alice Robertson, Member of Congress 
from Oklahoma, who is a granddaughter of Worcester. 

2. Compiled from the laws and the constitution as printed in the Cherokee 
Phoenix, their national organ, 1828-1834. 


breed, invented the Cherokee alphabet of eighty-six syl- 
lables. He had heard of the 'Vhites talking leaf" on which 
they could put down a "talk" and "it would stay there." 
He first attempted it by writing with a flat stone, making a 
mark for every word. Soon he had several thousand marks 
for every word he knew. This necessitated his dividing the 
words into parts, whereby one character would answer for a 
part of many words. Then, assisted by an English spell- 
ing book he knew nothing of, he adapted the alphabet to 
his use, by making figures that could be easily written.^ 

As early as 1803, President Thomas Jefferson gave to the 
question of emigration its first official impulse. ^ But it 
was not until 1808 that any actions was taken by the Chero- 
kees. In that year a number of the tribe visited the west- 
ern land at the suggestion of Return J. Meigs, agent for 
Indian Affairs. They were favorable to removal, but action 
was postponed. They sent two delegations to Washington 
in that year, one from the upper towns, which asked for a 
permanent allotment of their proportion of the lands that 
they might settle down in perpetuity, and follow a civilized 
life. The delegation from the lower towns, which repre- 
sented only one-third of the nation, asked for an exchange, 
that they might go west of the Mississippi, where they 
could indulge in their hereditary passion for the wigwam 
and chase. According to Meigs, there were two thousand 
willing to go, but the governor was then unable to finance 
their removal. Again in 18 11 an attempt was made which 
failed. Meanwhile small families, or groups of individuals, 
continued to emigrate westward. 

According to Royce the very first actual emigration took 
place in 18 15, soon after the Treaty of Hopewell. A num- 
ber of dissatisfied Cherokees descended the Tennessee, 
Ohio, and Mississippi Rivers in pirogues, reached and as- 
cended the St. Francis in Louisiana, then possessed by Spain, 
where settlement was formed. In a few years these moved 
to a more satisfactory location on White River. There a 

T. Rpport on the Indian Tribes-Pacific R. R. Documents. 

2. Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. 3 ; article by Lewis Spenf:e. 
Myths of the Cherokees-Money. 


colony was founded and they were joined by other dissatis- 
fied eastern brethren, until by 1817 there were between two 
and three thousand. In 1822, three Cherokee chiefs were 
in Mexico, seeking a contract with the Governor for lands 
in Texas. They were Boles, Fuldo, and Nicolet. Later 
a number moved into that state. 

Let us now turn to the religious life of the Cherokees, 
the activities of the missionaries, and their influence to- 
ward emigration. 


The original religion of the Cherokees was a polythe- 
istic zoolatry, or animal worship. The first religious be- 
liefs that we can discover, show that they recognized neither 
a paradise nor a place of punishment, neither a Supreme 
Being nor a Spirit of Evil. Whipple said, "the Cherokees 
know nothing of the Evil One and his domain, except what 
they have learned from the white man."^ 

All of their gods, neither good or evil, dwelt in Galu- 
lati, or the upper world above the sky. The Cherokee tribe 
consisted of seven clans: Wolf, which was the largest and 
most important; Deer; Bird; Paint; Ani-Sahami; Ani-Ga- 
Tagawi and Ani-Ga-Lahi. These tribes were frequently 
mentioned in the ritual prayers. There were with the early 
Cherokees four types of gods; viz; animal gods; elemental 
gods, such as the sun, water, fire, winds, clouds and frost; 
inanimate gods, stones and flint; and anthropomorphic gods, 
thunder, in person of *'Red Man" and "Red Woman.'* This 
was a type of higher pantheism, though the animal gods 
were of more importance. The Cherokees connected the 
four points of the compass with colors and superstitions.^ 

To the Cherokees, as with the Egyptians, religion entered 
into every phase of life. They had a complete priestly 
system at one time, known as Shamans. These were highly 
jealous of the white physicians. The heart of the whole 
ancient belief centered about the medico-religious methods 

1. Manuscript In the De Renne Library-Savannah, Georgia, 

2. History of the Missions of the Moravian Church-J. T. Hamilton. 


of these Shamans, such as bathing, bleeding, rubbing and 

Though a great many of the original beliefs of the 
Cherokees were retained, the first effect of the missionaries 
upon them was the evolution of their faith into that of 
Christianity by gradually merging the two. This was done 
through their efforts to decentralize their religious power, 
which was In the form of socio-rellgious organizations. 
These had an initiation and ritualistic exercises which were 
said to resemble present free-masonry. The Priest, or 
Shaman, was at the head of these organizations. Mc- 
Gowan states that from the most remote times one family 
was set aside for the priestly office. The family of Nico- 
tani was the first known to the whites. They were mas- 
sacred when the missionaries pointed out to some of the 
Indians how they were abusing their office. 

A large number of the Cherokees always clung to their 
original beliefs, however; Christianity spread over the na- 
tion and through its effects and the efforts of the missionaries, 
in the space of twenty years they were the most enlight- 
ened tribe of Indians In America. 

Ellas Boudinot, who was one of the earliest converts 
and advocates, said in Savannah at the First Presbyterian 
Church, on May 26, 1826, the following in regard to the 
religion of the Cherokees: 

"The Cherokees have had no established religion of their 
own and perhaps to this circumstance we may attribute in 
part the facilities with which missionaries have pursued their 
ends. They cannot be called idolaters, for they never wor- 
shiped Images. They believed In a Supreme Being, the 
Creator of all, the God of the white, the red and the black 
man. They also believed in the existence of an evil spirit 
who resided, as they thought, in the setting sun, the future 
place of all who in their life time had done inlquitously. 
Their prayers were addressed alone to the Supreme Being 
and which If written would fill a large volume, and display 
much sincerity, beauty and sublimity. When the ancient 
customs of the Cherokees were In full force, no warrior 


thought himself secure unless he had addressed his guard- 
ian angel; no hunter could hope for success unless before 
the rising sun he had asked the assistance of his god and on 
his return at eve, he had offered his sacrifices to hlm."^ 

Early in colonial history we have record of the beginning 
of missionary effort on the part of some Individuals. As 
aforesaid, Christian Priber, who was probably a Jesuit, did 
the first mission work among them as early as 1736. 

The Moravians, as a sect, were the first to undertake 
mission mork among them. S prange berg secured grants 
of land from the trustees of the^olony~of Georgia in Eng- 
land, for the sole object of commencing missions among the 
Creeks and Cherokees. A group of them reached Savannah 
on Feb. 6, 1735.^ 

In 1740 John Hagen visited among the tribes, and again 
in the sixties, Ettwein attempted to negotiate with the 
head chiefs at Bethabara. Both of these missions failed 
and it was probably because of the very unsettled state of 
the country. Nothing else was attempted until soon after 
the Revolutionary War. Martin Schneider visited the 
Cherokees on the Tennessee River in 1783, but his mis- 
sion also failed because of the 111 will toward the colonists. 

In 1799 and 1800 journeys of exploration were under- 
taken with encouraging results by Abraham Stelner and 
Frederick Christian Von Schwelnltz, of Salem. With the 
aid of Captain Butler, of the United States Army, a great 
council of from three thousand to four thousand Indians 
was gathered at Telllco Blockhouse on Sept. 23, 1800, and 
they were able to arrange for a mission through the in- 
fluence of James Vann and Charles Hicks, two Cherokee 
chiefs. This was permanently established in April during 
the year of 1801, by Stelner and Gottlieb Byham at Spring 
Place, which Is now the county seat of Murray County 

Many obstacles were presented, especially the Intrica- 
cies of the Cherokee language and the lack of an Intepre- 

1. The History of the Missions of the Moravian Church — Hamilton. 
American Board of Foreien Mispions (pamphlet) 

2. The Christian Index. Vol. 4. 


ter, and the mission progressed slowly. However the In- 
dian Council decided in 1803 to make the school permanent. 
In 1804 there were six scholars. John Wohlfarth suc- 
ceeded Steiner and he was succeeded in 1805 by Rev. and 
Mrs. John Gambold. The first Cherokee conversion was 
in 1 8 10, Margaret Vann, daughter of James Vann, being 
baptized with an impressive ceremony. The next was 
Charles Hicks who afterwards became a leader. Abe de 
Serra, in an account of his tours to the United States, said 
of this mission: "I saw there the sons of the Cherokee 
Regulus learning their lessons and reading their New Testa- 
ment in the morning and drawing and painting and assisting 
Mrs. Gambold in her household work, or Mr. Gambold in 
planting corn.^ 

As early as 1799, Rev. Gideon Blackburn of Tennessee, 
first introduced the subject of schools among the Cherokees 
to the Union Presbytery. In 1803 he introduced the idea 
to the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church. This 
body appropriated $200 and at his request appointed him 
as a missionary to the Cherokees for a peroid of only two 
months. A collection was further taken, amounting to 


Colonel Meigs, the Indian agent, assisted in gathering 
the natives together for a great council meeting to gain their 
assent. More than two thousand met at a place selected near 
the Hiwassee River. In 1804, the next year, the school 
was opened at Maryville, Tenn., with twenty-one pupils. 
This was the first school among the Cherokees. In 1807 
there were forty-five or fifty scholars, and the interest and 
desire for an education among the Cherokees had grown, 
until they plead for another one to be established in the 
lower nation,which opened with twenty to thirty scholars. 
Mr. Blackburn opened this upon his own responsibility, but 
private aid continually came in. After getting his school 
started, he gathered Indians and whites together for a 
treaty of friendship and cooperation. ^ Mr. Blackburn^s 

1. History of the Missions of the Moravian Church-Hamilton. 

2. History of the American Board of Foreign Missions. 


school broken up in consequence of the war of 1812 and 
his failing health. But some four or five hundred Chero- 
kees were able to read the English Bible and there were 
over six hundred in circulation. 

In 1 816, Rev. Cyrus Kingsbury visited the Cherokee 
country under a temporary commission from the Cherokee 
Missionary Society. He passed through Washington, D. C. 
and had an interview with Colonel Meigs, the chief of one 
of the clans and two native Cherokees. They told him that 
they had long desired the establishment of schools and had 
even thought of "devoting a part of their annuity to the 
object, but in consequence of some embarrassment had felt 
themselves unable." 

Upon the success of Mr. Blackburn, Mr. Kingsbury asked 
the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Mis- 
sions if they would support them. President Madison 
through the Secretary of War, advised him: "In the first 
instant the agent for Indian affairs will be directed to erect 
a comfortable school house and another for the teacher and 
such as may board with him, in such part of the nation as 
will be selected for that purpose. He will also be directed 
to furnish two plows, six hoes, and as many axes, for the 
purpose of introducing the art of cultivation among the pu- 
pils. If there are any female students, also • a female 
teacher to teach them to spin, weave, sew; a loom, a half 
dozen spinning wheels, and as many cards." 

In October, 18 16, Mr. Kingsbury put the object of his 
mission before the General Council of the Chiefs of the 
Cherokees and Creeks. After consultation a chief said 
"You have appeared in our full Council. We have listened 
to what you have said and understand it. We are glad to 
see you. We wish to have the school established and hope 
it will be of great advantage to the nation." 

Another chief was appointed to assist in selecting a site. 
A farm was bought on Chickamauga Creek. The mission 
was called Brainerd. Rev. Kingsbury arrived January 13, 
18 17. The school was a compound of missions, boarding 
school, and agriculture college. By June there were twenty- 


six natives and the mission was rapidly advancing. The 
Indians were showing much interest. Upon the failure of 
the government contractor to build the houses agreed upon 
the missionary and several of the Indians engaged in mak- 
inf twenty thousand bricks, burning lime, digging cellars, 
besides the hardship of bringing their meals for forty miles. 
L. S. Williams and Moody Hall joined the mission on 
March 7th. Hall managed the school and Williams the 
business departmentt. Mr. Kingsbury preached regularly 
to an audience of about one hundred and there was a Sun- 
day School attracting large crowds. 

As early as 1801, some of the local Baptist associations 
in Georgia were advocating a mission among the Chero- 
kees, and for a number of years occasionally a preacher 
would have a chance to speak to them through an inter- 
preter. In 1 8 16, the Sarepta Baptist Association sent mis- 
sionaries among them and supported schools.* In 1817, 
the American Baptist Board of Foreign Missions estab- 
lished a school and mission in western North Carolina, just 
over the border from Georgia, at Valleys Town. Rev, 
Humphrey Posey was in charge. The Baptist school grew 
very fast, and in a brief time three branches were estab- 
lished. These were TInsawattee and Coosawattee in Geor- 
gia, and one Nottle, In North Carolina. There were a 
number of native preachers at each mission.^ 

In 1 8 18 the Moravians established another station at 
Oochgelogy, In Gordon County, Georgia. By that year 
eight natives had gone to Cornwall, Conn., for advanced 
education. Among these were John Ridge, who had be- 
gun education at Spring Place. He later went to Princeton 

On May 27, 18 19, President Monroe, after the treaty 
with the Cherokees, visited the mission at Brainerd. He 
was so impressed with the work and Improvements among 
the Cherokees that he gave orders for a much better build- 
ing for the girls school, at the public expense. 

1. Cherokee Phoenix — May 8, 1830, May 28, 1828. 

2. Cherokee Phoenix-May 8, 1830. 

3. Christian Index, Vol. 4. 


It was also this year that John Arch, who had been one 
of the vilest asd meanest of the Cherokees, was admitted 
at Bralnerd, after walking one hundred and fifty miles. 
There was a hesitancy about accepting him, but through 
his importunity, he was finally admitted. Later he per- 
formed a great work among his own people. During 1819 
the system of local schools was commenced. In 1820 there 
were several new missions opened under the American 
Board, and again In 1823 the Board had six missions among 
the Cherokees three of which were in Georgia. They were 
Carmel, HIghtower, and Haweis. By 1828 the Board had 
eighteen schools, according to Ellas Boudinot. There were 
a number of cases of missionaries marrying the converts, 
who would change, or rather take, a Christian name upon 
baptism. There was a great desire evidenced on the part of 
the Cherokees to take advantage of every opportunity 
given them.^ 

The mission work conducted by the Methodists Is quite 
differentiated from that of the other denominations. It was 
under the direction of the Conference of Tennessee, Rev. 
William M. Mahan being superintendent. They had four 
stations, located at the following places : Creek Path, Chat- 
tooga Court House, PInelog, and Oochgelogy. There was 
a school at each, and In 1828 there were one hundred schol- 
ars. None of these stations was permanently fixed, but 
subject to be continued or discontinued as expedient. The 
Methodists did not seek church members, but **Members 
of Society,** that is, those desiring to learn. The schools 
were Itinerating and the missionaries on their rounds em- 
braced every family In the neighborhood, and yet they did 
not want to stay long enough for the Cherokees to estab- 
lish a national Identity with the whites. There were three 
large circuits, Ross's Postoffice, Riley's House, and Grand 
River, embracing sixty preaching places. In two of these 
circuits the gospel was preached in English, at the others in 
Cherokee. The superintendents were Rev. James I. Trot, 

1. Removal of the Cherokees. — Wilson Lumpkin, Vol. 1 p. 54 ; The Cherokee 
Nation of Indians — Royce. 


Rev. Greenbury Garrett and Turtles Fields. In 1 830 they 
had over eight hundred "Members of Society," or 
"Seekers," as they were called.^ 

The United Brethren also had a few missionaries among 
the Cherokees, but they never accomplished much. John 
Ross gave them credit for only fifty four members in 1830.^ 

Meanwhile the Baptist Mission at Valleys Town had 
been growing. Rev. and Mrs Evan Jones had succeeded 
Mr. Posey as superintendents. The school had scholars 
ranging from five to eight years of age. The mission and 
school at Hickory Log was under Rev. Dr. Duncan O'Bryant 
assisted by a number of natives.^ 

Thus we see that the missionaries did a great work in 
civilizing these tribes. To them belong the credit of the 
Cherokee enlightment which brought them forward as the 
most advanced and skilled of all American Indians. As has 
been shown the greatest help that came to them was the 
invention of the Cherokee alphabet by Sequoyah, or George 
Guess, in 1825. David Brown, a native, who was one of 
the best scholars of the nation, a graduate of Cornwall, 
translated the New Testament and it was soon circulated in 
manuscript. In 1827, the Supreme Council of the Chero- 
kees requested the Provincial Committee to secure for them 
a font of type, a press and furniture which was to be paid 
for out of the Cherokee treasury. On Feb. 21, 1828, the 
first edition of the Cherokee Phoenix was published. 

With the itinerant policy adopted by the majority of the 
missionaries, and especially by the natives going from place 
to place, teaching twice a week, it was less than two years 
before half of the whole nation could read and write their 
own language. By 1830 more than one thousand Gospels 
of Matthew were printed, and eight hundred copies of 

1. (Passed October 27, 1827 at New Town: Resolved that any person or 
persons who shall choose to emigrate to Arkansas and sell this property, improve- 
ments or an3rthing shall forfeit $150.00 and the buyer shall also forfeit and pay 
$150.00 — The Cherokee Phoenix, April 3, 1828). After the revision of their consti- 
tution In ltt28, they made the selling of property, or planning of emigration 
westward a capital offense. 

2. Georgia Journal, Jan. 30, 1827. 

3. The Cherokee Nation of Indiana — Royce. 


Cherokee hymns. There were at that time, according to 
Worcester, two hundred and nineteen members of the Pres- 
byterian churches, one hundred and sixty seven of these be- 
ing natives. There were ninety Baptists and forty-five 
members of the Moravian churches. The Methodist So- 
ciety claimed eight hundred and fifty "seekers'* who were 
not regenerate. By 1833 more than twelve hundred students 
had been received in the schools, the great majority of 
whom were Cherokees. (about ninety percent.) About 
five hundred of these had been qualified for common busi- 
ness. Printing was in large demand. More than fourteen 
thousand copies of the Testament and Pslams had been dis- 

As early as 1820 the Council adopted the compulsory 
education law, that if the child withdrew from school be- 
fore it had received an education, "That would make it use- 
ful, then the parent who had taken him out prematurely 
would have to pay the expense of support while there." 
The chiefs of the nation required the most suitable pupils 
to serve an apprenticeship at the most useful mechanic arts. 
In 1828 the Cherokees decided that the annuity from the 
government was not adequate, and they appropriated 
money from their own treasury, and secured native teach- 
ers for the new schools that they had established within 
the nation. 



By the Treaty or "Compact of 1802," Georgia ceded to 
the United States all her rights and titles to the territory 
westward of a certain line, the lands which now comprise 
the states of Mississippi and Alabama, for $1,250,000, so 
that she might meet the demands of those who lost in the 
Yazoo Fraud. At the same time, April 24, 1802, the 
United States assumed the obligation of extinguishing for 
the use of Georgia, as soon as it could be obtained "peace- 

1. Cherokee Phoenix — April 30, 1831; Digest of Georgia Laws — Prince. 



fully and on reasonable terms," the Indian title to all lands 
then occupied by the Indians within the present limits of 

By 1 82 1 the Creeks had ceded 14,748,690 acres, and the 
Cherokees had ceded only 995,410 acres. In 1823, fifty 
thousand dollars were appropriated by Congress for fur- 
ther treaties with the Cherokees, upon the charge of bad 
faith from Georgia to the United States. Duncan G. Camp- 
bell and Major James Meriwether were appointed as a com- 
mittee to make a treaty. October 4, 1823 they met the 
Cherokees in Council at New Town and asked for further 
acquisitions. To this the chiefs replied, 'We beg leave to 
present this commusication as a positive and unchangeable 
refusal to never dispose of one foot more of land.'*^ 

Again in 1827 they declared that they would "no never," 
cede any more land. As early as 1821 they were enacting 
laws in their council to prohibit the natives from selling 
their land.^ 

Meanwhile the state of Georgia, through her legislature 
was enacting laws, extending her jurisdiction over the Chero- 
kee country. On December 26, 1826 the following law was 
assented to: "Be it enacted by the Senate and House of 
Representatives of the State of Georgia, In general assem- 
bly met, and It is hereby enacted by the authority of the 
same, that from and after passage of this act, no Indian, 
and no descendant of an Indian, not understanding the Eng- 
lish language, shall be deemed a competent witness in any 
court of justice, created by the constitution or the laws of 
this state." Again on December 20, 1828, the civil and 
criminal jurisdiction of Georgia was extended by the fol- 
lowing act: "Be it resolved That all laws, usages and 

customs made, established and in force in the said territory, 
by the said Cherokee Indians, be, and the same are hereby, 
on and after the first day of June, 18'iO, declared null and 

1. "Letters of William P«nn", by Jeremiah Bvarts. Removal of the Cherokees 
liTimpVin. Vol. 7. p. 72. 

2. The Athenian, No. 3, 1S29 — Cherokee Phoenix, Dec. 3, 1829. 

3. CberoVee Phoenix, May 30, 1831. Christian Index. 

4. The Digest of Georgia La-ws — Prince ;K Georgia Journal ; Athenian and 
Cherokee Phoenix. 


It was seen that if Georgia ever acquired any more ter- 
ritory, she could not get It ''peacefully and on reasonable 
terms." The Cherokee country had become a rendezvous of 
robbers, and earlier, the majority of the Tories who were 
dodging the Georgia law, had taken up their residence 
with them. These were giving a great deal of trouble a- 
long the frontier. From the press of that day. It appears 
that the greatest trouble with the Cherokees was robbery, 
and more especially horse stealing. 

It was natural that the missionaries who had become 
devoted to their work and to the Indian cause, were ever 
striving for a betterment of relations. At this time the 
capital of the Cherokee nation was New Echota, Georgia. 
At this place were missions of the various denominations 
of the American Board. Also there were in New Echota 
at this time, 1829, the leaders and head chiefs of all the 
Cherokees and there had developed among them quite a 
bit of politics and animosity over the removal to the west. 
One party headed by John Ross, was against emigration, 
which seemed to be the much greater party. Charles Hicks 
was the leader of the minority. In favor of removal.^ 

So one immediately sees that New Echota, being the capi- 
tal of the nation, was a hot-bed of politics. The mission 
was the center of all this, for It was very much like the 
present day court-house, or general meeting house of the 
town. Rev. Samuel Worcester, of Vermont, was at the 
head of this mission. He was very popular with the natives, 
and it seems that various papers, though not authentic, 
state that he assisted the Cherokees in the making and exe- 
cution of their laws. According to Cotter, several of the 
missionaries had drafted the constitution In 1826.^ 

At any rate these missionaries throughout the nation 
thought the extension of the Georgia laws over the nation 
unconstitutional and protested against them. From the 
Cherokee Phoenix, we find that meetings were held, in 
which numbers of memorials were drafted and sent both 

1. History of the American Board of Foreign Missions, 1831. 
2. Hamilton, History of the Missions of the Moravian CThurch. 


to Congress and to the State Legislature. These poured 
in from every missionary of the Board, who were all New 
Ene:^anders, from the other denominations, and especially 
letters and pamplets signed by ^'William Penn," which 
were written by Dr. Jeremiah Evarts, who was Corres- 
ponding Secretary of the Board at the time. 

It is true that her laws were contrary to the treaties 
that had been made, but Georgia had been waiting patiently 
on the government for twenty six years, and now she was 
carrying out the policy suggested by the Indian Agent, Col- 
onel McKenny, that Georgia ''take them kindly by the hand 
and tell them that they must go." 

The lower class of whites in the territory gave quite a 
bit of trouble. The Tories were still bitter, and they encour- 
aged opposition to Georglar"" ~Alt^thir"resulted In the law 
passed at the next Legislature, December 1829, requiring: 
that all white men within the nation leave, or take the fol- 
lowing oath of allegiance: "I, A. B., do solemnly swear, or 
affirm, as the case may be, that I will support and defend 
the Constitution and the laws of the State of Georgia, and 
uprightly demean myself as a citizen thereof."^ 

Then followed a widespread denunciation of Georgia 
and her laws. The missionaries complained that the laws 
were enacted because of them, they having been falsely in- 
dicted for Interfering with the politics of the Cherokees. 
The American Board drafted and sent resolutions. The 
following is a portion of one: "The Cherokees refused to 
treat for the sale of their country; their unwillingness to 
sell ascribed to the influence of the missionaries, who it 
was said were acting Inconsistently with their professed 
character, by giving advice on political questions. If the 
missionaries, by the direction of their employers, had given 
advice on every question that came before the Cherokee peo- 
ple, they would only have exercised an undoubted right, 
and no person on earth would have had any just reason to 
complain, but the charge was false." 

1. History of the American Board of Foreigs Missions 


Throughout the Cherokee Nation, meetings of denuncia- 
tion were held, defying the laws of Georgia. The most of 
these meetings were held around the missions of the Board, 
the missionaries always expressing their sympathy. At one 
meeting the following was read In the form of a memorial 
in behalf of them: *'The Indians had better stand to arms 

We will take up arms for the Indians In such a 

war with as much confidence of our duty as we would stand 
on the shores of the Atlantic, to repel the assults of the 
most barbaric Invader "^ 

On December 29, 1829, a meeting was held at New 
Echota of five missionaries of the Board, two Moravians 
and one Baptist, *'for the purpose of making such a public 
declaration as the state of things seemed to require." Rev. 
Mr. Butrick was made Chairman, and Rev. Worcester Sec- 
retary. The following resolutions were adopted, and pub- 
lished In the Cherokee Phoenix. 

^'Resolved, That we view the Indian question, at pres- 
ent so much agitated In the United States, as being merely 
not of a political nature, but of a moral nature, inasmuch 
as It involves the maintenance or violation of the faith of 
our country, and as demanding therefore, the most serious 
consideration of all Americans, not only as patriots, but as 

^'Resolved, That we regard the present crisis of affairs, 
relating to the Cherokee Nation, as calling for our sym- 
pathy, and prayers and aid of all benevolent people through- 
out the United States. 

"Resolved, That the frequent Insinuations which have 
been publicly made, that missionaries have used an Influence 
In directing the political affairs of this nation, demand from 
us an explicit and public disavowal of the charge; and that 
we therefore solemnly affirm that in regard to ourselves at 
least, every such Insinuation Is entirely unfounded. 

"Resolved, that while we distinctly aver that it is not 
any influence of ours, which has brought the Cherokees to 
the resolution not to exchange their place of residence, yet 

1. History of the American Board of ForeigTi Missions. 


it is Impossible for us not to feel a lively interest in a sub- 
ject of such vital importance to their welfare; and that we 
can perceive no consideration, either moral or political, 
which ought in the present crisis, to prevent us from a free 
and public expression of our opinion. 

^'Resolved, therefore, that we view the removal of this 
people to the west of the Mississippi, as an event to be 
most earnestly deprecated, threatening greatly to retard, 
if not totally arrest, their progress in religion, civilization, 
learning, and the useful arts; to Involve them in great dis- 
tress, and to bring upon them a complication of evils, for 
which the prospect before them would offer no compensa- 

^'Resolved, That we deem ourselves absolutely certain 
that the feelings of the whole mass of the Cherokee people, 
including all ranks, and with scarcely a few individuals ex- 
cepted, are totally adverse to a removal, so that nothing 
but force, or such oppression as they would esteem equiva- 
lent to force, could induce them to adopt such a measure. 

"Resolved, as our unanimous opinion, that the establish- 
ment of the jurisdiction of Georgia and other states, over 
the Cherokee people, against their will, would be an im- 
mense and irreparable injury." 

The Georgia laws went further and prohibited the Chero- 
kees from assembling together In council, and arrested a 
number of them. The Cherokee Phoenix printed all ac- 
counts of these laws and all the resolutions from organi- 
zations throughout the country, which produced a bit of in- 
dignation on the part of the natives. The Cherokees were 
struggling for their cause, and were procuring false arrests 
and having mock trials. It is true that the whites shame- 
fully Intruded. The laws of Georgia had gone so far that 
no Cherokee was allowed to work for a white, under pen- 
alty of forfeiting all his property. This is Illustrated by a 
white, begging an Indian to transfer him across to Coosa 
River, on his ferry, to see his daughter stated by him to be 
dying. The Cherokee refused at first but finally carried 


him across, upon which the white told him of his intrigue 
and took possession of his ferry and property.^ 

For vengeance the Cherokees did many barbarous acts. 
The case of Jesse Stansal furnishes an illustration. He was 
arrested under pretense of violating laws and was detained 
in custody for two days without trial, and then suspended 
by the wrists to a tree and given fifty lashes on his bare 
back, mith large hickory sticks, which almost killed him.^ 

This missionaries denied emphatically any interference 
politically with the Cherokees. There is no direct evidence 
that they did interfere, except through the psychology of 
their sympathies, as embodied in the various memorials 
and resolutions. The Methodists of Tennessee rebuked 
the charge, but asked their missionaries to withdraw soon 
afterwards. The Baptist missionaries took the oath, but 
the members of the Board refused, Messrs. Butler and 
Worcester saying, "The law was designed to operate, and 

did operate, as an interruption to missionaries' labor 

The expulsion of the missionaries was the particular object 
of the law." They felt that if they took the oath, it would 
mean their endorsement of what Georgia was doing. 

Meanwhile the United States troops had been withdrawn 
from Georgia and the Georgia Guard was in control. They 
had quelled several riots betrv'een the two political parties, 
and had made a number of false arrests. Their behavior 
on other occasions had been the cause of much indignation 
on the part of the citizens of Georgia and the whole coun- 
try. Colonel Charles H. Nelson was in charge. One inci- 
dent is recorded of their unbecoming behavior at the Bap- 
tist mission at Tensewatee, where Rev. Duncan O'Bryant 
was in charge. He was baptizing several of his mission 
in a stream near the church. During the exercises the men 
of the Georgia Guard, '^claiming to be possessed by the 
spirits," tried to run over the Indians in order to baptize 
their horses. After getting in the water, they mocked relig- 
ion and baptism.^ 

1. Historical Collections-White 

2. The Athenian. Nov. 3. 1829 — Cherokee Phoenix, Dec. 3, 1829. 

3. Georgia and State Rights — U. B. Phillips. 


In January, 1831, the missionaries at Carmel, HIghtower, 
Hawels, and New Echota, the missions of the American 
Board In Georgia, received copies of the law of Georgia 
requiring all resident whites to swear allegiance and secure 
a license from the governor, or leave by March first. Wor- 
cester denounced this, because of the fact that the United 
States controlled the relations over the Indians; that the 
missionaries had the consent of the President to work a- 
mong the Cherokees; and that If he yielded to the law 
which he branded as unconstitutional, it would have a very 
unfavorable effect upon the Cherokees. 

It is to be noticed that only the missionaries of the Board, 
who were from the North, received these letters. The 
Methodists complained of this through their organ. The 
Repertory, published In Macon, but the Cherokee Phoenix 
denied this, Ellas Boudlnot, the editor said that ''all were 
arrested and all put in chains." From both the Phoenix 
and the Georgia Journal one would acquiesce in the state- 
ment that they gave more trouble in defying the laws than 
the other missionaries. Wilson Lumpkin in a speech to 
Congress, said that they, together with the "Canting fa- 
natics" of the North, who were the members of the Board, 
cost the Government more than $100,000. . . 

But few missionaries left at first. On March 12, 1831, 
a detachment of the Georgia Guard, composed of twenty- 
five men under Colonel Nelson, arrived at Carmel and ar- 
rested Mr. Proctor. On Sunday, March 13, they went to 
New Echota, which was thirty miles away and arrested Mr. 
Worcester. March 14, at HIghtower they arrested Mr. 
Thompson. These were all conveyed to headquarters on 
the next day, March 15th, at Camp Gilmer. On March 
17th, through their council, Chester, Underwood and Har- 
ris, they were released on habaes corpus proceedings, be- 
fore the Superior Court of Gwinnett County. Judge Clay- 
ton overruled the motion that the law was unconstitutional 
and void. But as the missionaries were employed in ex- 
pending the United States money, for the education of the 
Indians, and as Mr. Worcester was postmaster at New 


Echota, he held that they were agents of the government. 
Worcester says In his letters, that at this first time they 
were arrested, they were treated with as much civility and 
kindness as could be expected. On May 7th following, 
Mr. Butler was arrested, but was released because of Ill- 
ness in his family.^ Gotlleb Byham, who was postmaster 
at Spring Place, the Moravian mission, was arrested but 
was soon released. He, together with the other Mora- 
vians, escaped to the home of Captain McNaIr, just across 
the border In Tennessee. Harry G. Clauder continually 
visited his members until March 21, when he was arrested 
but released to withdraw from Georgia within ten days.^ 

When Georgia in 1832 divided the lands of the Chero- 
kee country by lottery, the mission property at Oochgelogy 
was taken from the church and seized by strangers. In 
1833, three families moved in and compelled Clauder, who 
had succeeded Byham as postmaster, to give up half of the 
mission house at Spring Place, and then an alleged agent of 
Georgia drove off the missionaries. After Spring Place 
was made the county seat, this church was turned into the 

After the release of the missionaries. Governor Gilmer 
took up correspondence with President Jackson In regard 
to the status of the missionaries as agents of the United 
States. The President replied that he did not on any sense 
regard any of them as such. Upon request of Governor 
Gilmer, Worcester was removed from the office of post- 

On May 16, Governor Gilmer Informed the missionaries 
of the Board by letter of the attitude of the general gov- 
ernment towards them. On June 7, Dr. Butler and Wor- 
cester replied, stating fully their attitude as above. Messrs. 
Butrick Proctor and Thompson removed with their families 
to Brainerd. Mr. Thompson continued to preach and visit 
at Hightower. 

June 22, Colonel Nelson notified Miss Fuller, who was 
left in charge of the station at the last named place, that he 

1. Removal of the Cherokees — Lumpkin. Vol. 1, p. 43. 


would take over the mission on the next day. When Mr. 
Thompson heard of this he wrote to him, greatly objecting. 
He was arrested, chained and made to walk through for- 
ests asd swamps for fifty miles to Camp Gilmer, where he 
tayed in jail for only a few minutes. Colonel Sanford cen- 
sured him for too great freedom of speech, and then with- 
out assigning any reason for his arrest, released him. 

On July 7, Worcester was again arrested and taken ten 
miles, where they met Colonel Nelson and detachment with 
Rev. J. J. Trott, a Methodist missionary who had a Chero- 
kee family, and a Cherokee by the name of Proctor. They 
were made to march on foot for twenty-two miles. On their 
way, they met Mr. McLeod and Mr. Wells, two other 
Methodist ministers, who asked Trott if he had been 
chained. Upon an affirmative answer, McLeod said, *'It 
seems they proceed more by order, than by law. "This* 
together with several other impudent remarks, gave offense, 
and Colonel Nelson ordered him to leave and to return to 
Tennessee. He replied, ''I will, but you will hear from me 
again." He was then arrested and made to walk on with 
them. Wells galloped off on his horse in a different direc- 
tion. Sergeant Brooks compelled McLeod to keep in the 
middle of the road, threatening to thrust his bayonet 
through him if he turned aside. Thus he had to walk 
through mud and mire for thirty-five miles, and nearly 
every step of the way, Brooks tormented them with the 
vilest and most profane language. He continually said, 
"Fear not, little flock, for it is your Father's good pleasure 
to give you the Kingdom." 

At night the prisoners were chained together in pairs. 
Mr. Wells had met Mr. Thompson with the guards and 
followed to aid McLeod. When Nelson saw him, he cut 
a large stick and drove up behind him and gave him a 
severe blow on the head. 

Meanwhile Dr. Butler had been arrested and was on his 
way to the prison. He had been chained by the neck to 
the horse, with the danger of falling or stumbling. When 
it became so dark and Dr. Butler had walked until he could 


go no further, the guard put him behind his saddle on his 
horse. The chain around the neck of Butler and the horse, 
drew the neck of the horse back and he stumbled and fell 
upon the two. Neither one could move and they were forc- 
ed to stay in that position until some one passed and helped 
them. As a result, two of the guard's ribs w^ere broken. 
When they reached the prison. Brooks said, "There is 
where all the enemies of Georgia have to land, there and 
in Hell.". They were all chained by the necks to the walls. 

By writ of habeas corpus, Butler and Worcester were re- 
leased on bond, from the Inferior Court of Gwinett Coun- 
ty, to appear before the Superior Court in September. 
Worcester went to Brainerd, where he stayed until August 
17, when he was called to New Echota, on account of the 
death of his infant daughter, and the illness of his wife. He 
arrived there on Tuesday, August 16. Wednesday morn- 
ing he was arrested by a disguised guard at his home, but 
was released. 

On September 15, Butler, Worcester, Thompson, Wells, 
Proctor, McLeod, Trott, Wheeler, Nellum, and Mayes were 
all tried in Lawrenceville and sentenced by Judge Clayton 
to four years of imprisonment in the penitentiary, recom- 
mending them to executive clemency, If they would take the 
oath. They were sent to Milledgeville and on September 
22, all were pardoned who promised to leave the state, by 
Governor Gilmer. Butler and Worcester refused, at the 
suggestion of the Board, that they be martyrs of their cause, 
if necessary. 

The prison was a rudely made house, with only one open- 
ing, and that the door. The floor was made of logs split 
In half, and there was no furniture. 

After they were in Milledgeville, Worcester and several 
others, wrote Colonel Charles Nelson the following: 

"Col. Ch. H. Nelson. 

Sir: If it be consistent with the necessary regulations, It 
would be a high gratification to some of the prisoners, If 
Mr. Trott and Mr. Worcester, might be permitted to hold 


a meeting, tomorrow evening, at some place where such of 
the guard and of the neighbors as are disposed, might at- 
tend. If the favor can be granted, be so kind as to give us 
an answer as soon as convenient. We wish to be understood 
that we should all greatly desire the privilege of attending." 
(Signed.) S. A. Worcester J. J. Trott 

Elizur Butler Samuel Mayes 

The note was returned with the following written on the 
outside : 

"We view the within request as an impertinent one. If 
your conduct be evidence of your character, and the doct- 
rines you wish to promulgate, we are sukciently enlightened 
as to both. Our object is to restrain, not to faciliate their 
promulgation. If your object be true piet}% you can enjoy 
it where you are. Were we hearers, we would not be 
benefitted, devoid as we are of confidnce in your honestly. 

(Signed) C. H. Nelson.^" 

The Prudential Committee, of the Board send a memorial 
to President Jackson in behalf of the missionaries. He 
replied through the Secretary of War, that he could not 
interfere since the Georgia laws had been extended. At the 
same time Worcester and Butler had carried their case to 
the Supreme Court, with an able counsel in the person of 
WiHiam Wirt, former Attorney General, and John Sar- 
geant, who had been counsel in the case of the Cherokee 
Nation versus the State of Georgia. The Court had sent 
a citation to the Governor for Georgia to appear before 
that body on the first Monday in March, 1832, and answer 
why they were held and why a writ of error should not be 
granted. But Georgia did not appear. In the decision 
of the former case, the court had refused the injunction 
prayed for, which was favorable to Georgia. This time, 
Chief Justice Marshall rendered the decision in favor 
of the missionaries. He held that the laws of Georgia 
were unconstitutional and void, and ordered that all pro- 
ceedings on the indictments against the missionaries "do 

1. History of the American Board of Foreign Missions. 


for ever surcease" and they "be and hereby are, dismissed 

On March 17, 1832, Mr. Chester, supported by Mr. 
Underwood and General Harden, moved in the Superior 
Court of Georgia that the mandate be received and obeyed. 
The court refused, and to keep the United States Supreme 
Court from enforcing its decision, would not allow its 
own decision to be recorded, or any matter relating to it. 
To support this decision, Chester made an affidavit and 
Judge Clayton signed it, certifying the facts. Mr. Chester 
then applied by letter to Governor Lumpkin for the release 
of the prisoners. He refused to answer in writing, saying 
"You got 'round Clayton, but you shall not get 'round me." 

The Georgia Guards had been stationed in the build- 
ings of the Board at Carmel and Hightower. The pro- 
duce of the fields was consued and destroyed, together with 
the fowls and swine belonging to the mission. Mrs. Wor- 
cester and Mrs. Butler, who had been residing at their 
old homes at New Echota and Hawels, were ordered to 
leave, or they would be ejected by the guard. The property 
was to be sold or rented for the benefit of the state. They 
removed to Brainerd. 

January 8, 1833, upon the advice of the Prudential Com- 
mittee, Messrs. Butler and Worcester notified Attorney 
Wirt not to push their case In the Supreme Court. They 
also notified the Governor and the Attorney General that 
they had dropped it. In their letter to Governor Lump- 
kin, they stated, "We have not been led to the adoption of 
this measure by any change of views In regard to the prin- 
ciple on which we have acted." Governor Lumpkin thought 
that this was disrespectful, and "determined that as long 
as they regarded the 'principle on which they acted' so high- 
ly, they might stand by it in the penitentiary." 

When they learned of the Governors attitude, they wrote 
again. 2 

1. The Cherokee Nation VS Tre State of Greorgia 5 Peters P. 1. 
2. Historical Collections — "White. 



Wilson Lumpkin, 

Governor of the State of Georgia. 

Sir: We are sorry to be informed that some expressions 
in our communication of yesterday were regarded by Your 
Excellency as an indignity offered to the state, or its 
authorities. Nothing could be further from our design. 
In the course we have now taken, it has been our intention, 
simply to forbear the prosecution of our case, and to leave 
the question of the continuance in confinement to the magn- 
animity of the state. 

We are respectfully yours 

(Signed) S. A. Worcester, 
Elizur Bulter. 

On January 14th, after serving from September 15, 
1 83 1, sixteen months, they were released and immediately 
left the state. At that time the legislature of Georgia re- 
pealed the laws that had been enacted. 

After the final treaty with the Cherokees was made in 
1835, the government reimbursed the various missionary 
boards, whose property they had taken and destroyed. 
They also set aside money to care for the removal of the 

Elias Boudinot said that the actions of the Georgia 
Guard in their treatment of the missionaries in such an 
uncalled for manner, had an adverse effect upon them. The 
Georgians had objected to their efforts, because it was said 
that they were instilling into the Indians a love for their 


Thus it is clear, that the Indians were determined not 
to leave Georgia. By the Compact of 1802, as has been 
seen, the United States had guaranteed to Georgia alone the 
exclusion of the Indian title. In 1828, the United States 
had received in cessions 1,612,800 acres in Alabama, 
(1805); 1,209,600 acres in Alabama and Tennessee, 


(1806) ; 26,760 acres In South Carolina, (1816) ; 1,887,360 
acres In Alabama, March 22, 18 16; 1,395,200 acres In 
Alabama, (October 4, 18 16) ; 1,437,260 In North Carolina, 
(1819); and 738,560 acres In Tennessee, (18 19). This 
makes a total of 8,542,540 acres, which was eight times as 
much as the Cherokees had In Georgia, and for which the 
government had paid twelve millions of dollars. 

It was no wonder that the Georgians blamed the nation- 
al government for bad faith. They felt that the United 
States had encouraged, to an extent, the attitude taken by 
the Cherokees, by continually receiving their delegates with 
diplomatic courtesies, and treating with them as a foreign 
power. In 1830 Governor Troup took Issue with Presi- 
dent Monroe's message to Congress, that the government 
"was under no obligation to use other means than peace- 
able and reasonable ones."^ He said that the Indians were 
that they were tenants at will. 

At a convention In New Echota on July 26, 1827, a 
national constitution was adopted by the representatives of 
the nation. It asserted that the Cherokee Indians con- 
stituted one of the sovereign and Independent nations of 
the earth, having complete jurisdiction over Its territory, 
to the exclusion of the authority of any other state. ^ 

Thus they had advanced In civilization, to an extent that 
It rendered It rather hard and Impracticable to enforce 
any of the laws of the United States, In regard to inter- 
course with them. The United States government pro- 
hibited any man from settling on any Indian country, or 
trading or trafficing with any article,' unless under special 
permit or license from the legal authority of the United 
States.^ In total disregard of this, the Cherokees resolved 
through their Committee and Council ''to suffer no man 
to settle In their limits and trakc and trade with their 
people without first obtaining a permit or license to do so, 
from the Cherokee authorities.* 

1. Georgia and State Rights. U. B. Phillips. 

2. American State Papers — (Indian Affairs) VoL II. 
Cherokee Nation of Indians, Royce. 

3. Removal of the Cherokees — Lumpkin, Vol. I. P. 43. 

4. Cherokee Phoenix, March 20, 18128, Removal of the Cherokees — Lumpkin, 
Vol. 1, P. 43. 


So there were three distinct sovereign legislatures making 
conflicting laws over one and the same people at the same 
time. Under such circumstances, something had to be done. 
The President of the United States notified the Cherokees, 
through the Indian agent Montgomery, that their new 
constitution could not be considered in any other light, than 
as regulations of a purely municipal character, and that their 
relation to the general government, stood unchanged.^ 

The following year. Governor Forsyth, in his last mes- 
sage to the Georgia Legislature, recommended the exten- 
sion of the Georgia laws over them, instead of expelling 
them, but suggested that the President ask them to remove 
from the State. Accordingly on December 20, 1828, by 
an act, the Georgia laws were extended over all whites 
within the territory, and it was also enacted that on and 
after June i, 1830, all Indian residents therein, were to 
be subject to such laws and all of their law would be null 
and void.^ 

Following this was the great rush for gold In Chero- 
kee Georgia, by thousand of whites from Georgia and other 
states. These intrusions were unlawful under three sepa- 
rate governments, but none of the three were able to check 
the prevailing disorder. Georgia attempted it first. Oc- 
tober 29, 1850, Governor Gilmer wrote to the President, 
and told of Georgia's recent legislative enactments, and 
asked that the United States troops, which had been sta- 
tioned to quell disorder and to prvent intruders from set- 
tling on Cherokee soil, be withdrawn.^ 

General Andrew Jackson, who was In charge, was in 
sympathy with Georgia, and being opposed to President 
Adam's policy, immediately complied with Governor Gil- 
mer's request.* After other laws were enacted, entending 
the jurisdiction of Georgia over the Cherokees, the chiefs 
determined to resort to the Supreme Court, for an injunc- 
tion, in a final effort to save themselves. 

1. Removal of the Cherokees — Lumpkin, Vol. 1, P. 265. 

2. Digest of Greorgia Laws — Prince. 

3. Georgians, Gilmer. 

4. Georgia and State Rights — Phillips. 


Before this the convention of judges of Georgia in 
Mllledgeville had declared the constitutionality of the re- 
cent Georgia laws. Judge A. S. Clayton took a prominent 
part in this meeting, because most of his district was in 
the Cherokee country, and because the case of George 
(Corn) Tassel was to come up under him In the next 
Superior Court of Hall County. 

On trial, November 22, 1830, Tassel was convicted and 
sentenced to be bunged December 24, 1830. Judge Clayton 
refused to grant an'^appeal by writ of error to the Supreme 
Court, and even refused to certify that Tassel was tried. 
He was executed In defiance of the writ of error sanctioned 
by Chief Justice Marshall and served on Governor Gilmer, 
on December 22, only two days before the execution. The 
citation called for Georgia to appear before the Supreme 
Court on the second Monday in January and to answer 
why Tassel was tried and convicted. Governor Gilmer 
turned it over to the Georgia Legislature with the follow- 
ing message: *'So far as concerned the exercise of the 
power which belongs to the Executive Department, orders 
received from the Supreme Court for the purpose of stay- 
ing or in any manner interferring with the decisions of 
the courts of the states, in the exercise of their constitu- 
tional jurisdiction, will be disregarded and any attempt to 
enforce such orders will be resisted with whatever force 
the laws have placed at my command." The Legislature 
In joint assembly, resolved their regrets as to the interfer- 
ence, and requested all citizens of Georgia, the Governor 
and other officers, "to disregard any and every mandate 
and process that has been or shall be served upon him or 
them, purporting to proceed from the Chief Justice or any 
associate Justice, or the Supreme Court of the United States, 
for the purpose of arresting the execulon o any of the 
criminal laws of the state. And be it further resolved, 
that His Excellency, the Governor, be, and Is hereby author- 
ized and required,' with all the force and means placed at 
his commands by the onstltutional laws of this state, to re- 


sist and to repel any and every invasion from whatever 
quarter upon the administration of the criminal law." 

Soon after this, the case of the Cherokee Nation versus 
the State of Georgia was docketed in the Supreme Court. 
The bill of the complainant set forth the fact that they were 
a ''foreign state, not owing allegiance to the United States, 
nor to any state in this union, nor to any prince, potentate, 
or state other than their own." They further declared 
themselves to be the owners of the land, because of the right 
of first discovery, and that they were an independent, sover- 
eign state, taking into consideration the former treaties with 
the Cherokees. 

The bill was brought, praying an injunction to restrain 
the State of Georgia from the execution of certain laws 
of that state, especially to declare null those of 1828-29; 
these laws they averred, went to annihilate the Cherokees 
as a political society, to seize for the use of Georgia, those 
lands which had been guaranteed to them by the United 
States, in solemn treaties, repeatedly made and still in 

The case came up for hearing in the January term, 1831. 
The counsel cited fully all grievances, especially the later 
ones, as the action of the state of Georgia in defiance of 
the writ of error, in re George Tassel, the laws of Georgia 
preventing the assembling together of the Cherokees for any 
other purpose than to cede land, the authorization by the 
Georgia Legislature of a survey of the Cherokee lands, for 
the lottery, the taking possession of the gold mines, and the 
stationing of armed forces at the mines, and throughout the 
nation, for the enforcement of the Georgia laws. No coun- 
sel appeared in behalf of Georgia. 

In rendering the decision. Chief Justice Marshall granted 
that the Indians were a state, but were not a foreign nation. 
He said, "they may more correctly perhaps be denominated 
domestic dependent nations." Quoting further: *'If it be 
true that the Cherokee nation have rights, this is not the 
Tribunal in which those rights are to be asserted. If it be 
true that wrongs have been inflicted, and that still greater 


are to be apprehended* this Is not the tribunal, which can 
redress the past or prevent the future. The motion for an 
Injunction Is denied."^ 

It has already been seen how the Cherokees were given 
the decision long hoped for in the personal cases of Wor- 
vester vs. Georgia, and Butler vs. Georgia. The laws were 
declared null and void, and the judgments of the Georgia 
courts were received. Yet these decisions established the 
permanent triumph of Georgia's policy, and rendered it 
only a question of a very few years when the Indians would 
be driven from their territory within the limits of the 

Again In 1834 there occurred' a controversy between 
Georgia, the Supreme Court, and the Cherokee Nation. For 
a third time a citation summoned the State of Georgia 
through her representative to show cause why the error in a 
certain case should not be corrected. In this instance it was 
the case of James Graves vs. Georgia, who had been tried 
and convicted of murder, and who was later executed ac- 
cording to the sentence of the Georgia court. Governor 
Lumpkin and the legislature again denounced the Federal 
government.^ It Is Interesting to note Governor Gilmer's 
action in disregarding the decision in the case of Georgia vs. 
Cunetoo, which had been tried by Judge Clayton In Walton 
County. The defendant was jailed for digging gold on his 
own land, but Judge Clayton had released him, because, he 
said, that the Cherokees had the use of the precious min- 
erals found on their own lands. 

It Is also to be remembered with reproach that the Geor- 
gia Legislature tried to Impeach' Judge John W. Hooper for 
refusal to enforce the Georgia laws, and for granting so 
many injunctions to the Cherokees. Meanwhile the lands 
had been distributed by the land lottery system In 1834, and 
the people were moving In. President Jackson persisted 
in his attempts to persuade the Cherokees to leave in a 

1. The Cherokee Nation vs. The State of Greorgia. 

2. Georgia and State Rights — Phillips. 

3. Removal of the Cherokees — Lumpkin. 



In the same year, 1834, the Cherokees fell Into two 
parties, which division hastened their removal. One of 
these was headed by John Ross, who was opposed to 
removal and further treaties, and which party was the 
stronger, and the other by John Ridge, in favor of emigra- 
tion. These two factions engendered much ill feeling 
among the tribe. 

OnDecember 29, 1835, ^^ ^^^' Echota, the final treaty 
was concluded between the United States agents, William 
Carroll and John F. Schermerhorm and the Ridge fac- 
tion, because the Ross faction opposed it, which providd 
for the cession of all the Cherokee land east of the Mis- 
sissippi, to the United States for $5,000,000. It was al- 
so agreed to give to hem seven milhon acres west of the 
Mississippi to pay the eypenses of removal, allowing $600, 
000, and to give them two years in which to remove.^ 

Public sentiment throughout the United States became 
stirred with sympathy for the Indians. Webster said, 
*'There is a strong and growing feeling in the country 
that great wrong has been done to the Cherokees by the 
Treaty of New Echota." Henry Clay sympathized be- 
cause of the injustice and "because the wrong would inflict 
a great wound on the character of the American Republic." 
Henry A. Wise of Virginia said that the treaty was null and 
void, because there was no assent on the part of both 
parties. President Van Buren preferred a compromise and 
gave to the Cherokees two more years in which to withdraw. 
To this Governor Gilmer objected, because he feared it 
was another attack upon the sovereignty of the state. He 
declared his determination to take charge of the removal 
in person if the Federal government should fall.- 

Elias Boudincot, perhaps the most educated Cherokee, 
after he was converted to emigration, said that John Ross 
and his party were "ignorant of their true situation, and 
are so completely blinded as not to see the destruction that 
awaits them." 

1, The Cherokee Nations of Indians — Royce. 

2. Georgians, Gilmer. 


By 1838 only two thousand one hundred and three had 
removed to their new homes. General Winfield Scott was 
ordered to assume command of the Federal troops with 
power to collect an additional force, comprising a regiment 
of Infantry and six companies of dragoons. He was to 
put the Indians In motion at once, and to call upon the 
Governors of Georgia, Tennessee,. Alabama and North 
Carolina for militia and volunteers, not exceeding four 
thousand in number. 

During the summer, six thousand were under the direc- 
tion of the officers of the army. John Ross finally agreed 
to go, and at his request the Cherokees were to remove 
themselves, and be allowed sixty-five dollars and eighty- 
eight cents for the cost of removal. 

December 4, 1838, the last party of the Cherokees took 
up their westward march. Ross said that 13,149 removed 
under his direction, for which he received $486,939.50. 
The one sad thing that stand out above everything else 
in regard to their removal, is that nearly one fourth of the 
emigrants died on the way side. According to Captain 
Stevenson, who received them on arrival, there were only 
only 11,504; Captain Page, the disbursing agent, said that 
of the sixteen thousand that left for the West, there were 
only 11,721 to reach their new home. 

GEORGIA FROM 1890 TO 1920 

1850 TO 1920. 

Geological Survey of Alabama. 

In the March and June numbers of the Quarterly the 
writer described geographical conditions in all parts of Geor- 
gia, the methods of illustrating them by means of census 
statistics, and the development of agriculture in each region 
from 1850 to 1880. In the September number the story 
was brought down to 1920 for the upper part of the state 
(highland region), and the present article does the same 
for the lower part or coastal plain, completing the series. 
A condensed summary for the whole state and entire period 
is added. The methods of investigation and their limita- 
tions have been pretty fully discussed in the previous articles, 
so that little more needs to be said about them here. 

Some recent literature on the coastal plain of Georgia, 
not cited in the previous articles, should be mentioned. 
In November, 1906, the writer published a monograph on 
the vegetation of the Altamaha Grit region (rolling wire- 
grass country)* as vol. 17, part i, of the Annals of the 
New York Academy of Sciences, with 414 pages, a map, 
and 28 plates. That described the geology, topography, 
soil, climate, vegetation, etc., of the region pretty fully, 
sketched conditions In the whole state briefly, and referred 
to the most important previous literature. Since that time 
several bulletins of the Geological Survey of Georgia, partic- 
ularly No. 15, on the underground waters of the state 
(1908), and No. 26, on the geology of the coastal plain 
(1912), have added valuable information. 

Three bulletins of the United States Department of Agri- 
culture, nos. 492, 648, 1934, on farm management 


Studies in Sumter and Brooks Counties (i 920-1 922), con- 
tain a mass of detail about agricultural conditions, for 
whites and negroes and owners and tenants separately, sur- 
passing anything ever attempted by the census. But unfortu- 
nately each of these counties lies in two quite distinct regions, 
which are not recognized at all in the bulletins, which there- 
fore are not worth much for geographical purposes. If 
similar studies should ever be made, approximately simul- 
taneously, of a typical red hill county and a typical wire- 
grass country, for example (or better still of every county), 
some very interesting comparisons would be possible. 

The boundaries of the several regions discussed are 
shown again on the accompanying map, which represents 
conditions as they were exactly in the middle of the period 
covered by this series of articles. The counties were the 
same in 1890 as in 1880* 

In the tables following the hammock belt and coast strip 
are omitted from the four that arc chiefly made up of statis- 
tics of the number of inhabitants, value of farm property, 
number of animals, etc., per square mile, because the coun- 
ties used to typify them all contain large areas of relatively 
sparsely settled piney woods, which would make the ratios 
verv Inaccurate. But these regions are included in the 
tables for white and colored farmers In 19 10 and crop 
yields in 19 19, for uninhabited areas have no influence on 
such ratios. 

In each table the highest number in each line is printed 
in heavy tvpe and the lowest In Italics (as was done in the 
first two articles and would have been done in the third if 
the printers had not misunderstood), unless two are so 

* Those used to represent the several regions statistically are as follows : 

Band-Mils : — Glascock, Taylor. 

Blue marl region : — Chattahoochee. Quitman, Stewart 

Red hills : — Burke, Clay, Houston, Je.fferson, Macon, Randolph, Schley, Twiggs, 
Washington, Webster, Wilkinson. 

Red lime lands : — Calhoun, Dougherty, Lee, Terrell. 

(Sandy) lime-sink region : — Baker. Dooiy, Early, Miller, Mitchell, Pulaski. 

Rolling wire-grass cowitry : — Appling, Berrien, Bulloch, Coffee, Colquitt, 
Emanuel, Irwin, Montgomery, Tattnall. Telfair. 

Hammock belt : — Brooks, Lowndes, Thomas. 

Flat pine lands : — Charlton, Clinch, Echols, EfBngham, Pierce, Ware, Wayue. 

Coast strips: — Chatham, Glynn, Mcintosh. 



nearly equal that It is impossible to decide between them» 
or they fall In one of the omitted columns. In the latter 

Map showing geographical or agricultural divisions of Georgia. 
The small areas without names are two portions of the Cumberland 
Plateau in the northwest corner, with a strip of Appalachian Valley 
between them, an outlier of the Blue Ridge in Polk and Paulding 
Counties, two portions of the fall-line sand-hills near the center of 
the state, and the Tallahassee red hills and peninsular lime-sinks 
region on the southern border. The railroads and counties are as 
in 1885. 



case the fact is sometimes mentioned In the accompanying 
text. Most ratios over lo are not carried out to decimals, 
for reasons explained In the former article on lower Geor- 
gia (In the June number). That same article describes the 








1 = 


Inhabitants per square mile 

Percent increase since 1880 

Percent white 

Percent colored 

Percent in cities of over 8,000 

Percent in cities of 2,500-8,000 

Percent in cities of 1,000-2,500 

Percent of land improved ..^ 

Improved acres per inhabitant 

Value of farm land and bidgs., 
per sq. mi. ($) . 

Value of implements and machin- 
ery, per sq. mi. ($) 

Value of live-stock, per sq. mi. ($)- 

No. of horses, per sq. mi 

No. of mules, per sq. mi 

No. of work oxen, per sq. mi 

No. of milch cows, per sq. mi 

No. of other cattle, per sq. mi 

No. of sheep, per sq. mi 

No. of hogs, per sq. mi 

No. of chickens, per sq. mi _ 

No. of other poultry, per sq. mi. 

Cost of fertilizers, per sq. mi. ($) — 

Value of farm products, sq. mi. ($) 

Cost of fertilizers, per impr. acre.. 

Value of products, per impr. acre.... 

Pet. of improved land in cotton. 

Pet. of improved land in corn 

Pet. of improved land in oats 

Pet. of impr. land in sweet potatoes 

Bales of cotton per acre 

Bu. of corn per acre 

Bu. of oats per acre _.. 

Bu. of sweet potatoes per acre.... 










































































































differences between the several regions, so that little more 
needs to be said about them, and the figures will speak for 

CONDITIONS IN 1889-1890 

Table i shows the prevailing conditions in the several 
regions at the time of the Eleventh Census, which was 
taken in the summer of 1890, but ascertained crop yields, 
expenditures for fertilizers, etc., for the year 1889. Every 
region increased in population between 1880 and 1890, the 
sand-hills least and the wire-grass most. The density of 
population and percentage of negroes were still approxi- 
mately proportional to soil fertility, except that the coast 
strip, the most densely populated, is not necessarily the most 
fertile/ for a large part of its population is supported by 
fisheries and commerce. The only cities with more than 
8,000 inhabitants, besides the fall-line cities, which belong 
partly to the Piedmont, were two seaports, Savannah and 
Brunswick, and the only ones between 2,500 and 8,000 (in 
the counties used for statistical purposes) were Albany, 
Thomasville, Valdosta and Waycross. Two regions had 
no places with as many as 1,000 inhabitants. 

There was very little railroad building in lower Georgia 
between 1880 and 1890, except toward the end of the de- 
cade, when three lines (now belonging to the Seaboard Air 
Line) extending from Savannah north, west and south be- 
yond the limits of the state were built. A part of the west- 
bound line had existed for a few years previously as a nar- 
row-gauge road from Americus to Lumpkin. 

The percentage of improved land increased in every re- 
gion, and with it the value of farm property per square 
mile, though the value per farm probably did not change 
much. The number of horses increased in every region 
except the red hills, but mules increased still more, now out- 
numbering horses in every region except the wire-grass and 
the two southeast of it. 

Work oxen decreased in every region, but not very much 
in the two nearest the coast. Cows decreased also, and other 
cattle likewise except in the lime-sink, wire-grass and ham- 


mock belts, and even there they did not keep pace with the 

Sheep Increased a little In the wire-grass country, but not 
as much as the population, and decreased In all the others, 
presumably on account of the dwindling free range and in- 
creasing number of dogs. Hogs decreased in the three up- 
permost regions (which had the smallest increase of popu- 
lation) and Increased In the others, but more slowly than 
the population In most cases. Chickens apparently Increased 
largely In every region, but that is because those hatched 
in the spring of the census year were not counted in 1880 
(which I did not realize when the preceding article was 

The expenditure for fertilizers per acre Increased In every 
region, but not very much in the sand-hills, for some reason. 
The value of products per Improved acre decreased a little 
in the sand-hills and more in the coast strip, but increased 
in all the others, In spite of a nation-wide decline in com- 
modity prices. The figures for value of products in different 
regions are not strictly comparable, though, for in the wire- 
grass and similar regions a considerable part of the total 
consisted of beef, pork, wool, etc., raised on free range, 
which had nothing to do with improved land. Products 
per farm would be more significant, if we only had separate 
figures for whites and negroes, which however were not 
given by the nth Census or any preceding one. 

The relative importance of cotton increased a little in 
every region except the coast strip, and corn, the other great 
staple, fell off correspondingly. The yield of both cotton 
and corn increased in most regions. Oats and sweet pota- 
toes did not change much relatively, either in acreage or in 

CONDITIONS IN 1899-1900 

Between 1890 and 1900 the population increased rapidly 
nearly all over South Georgia, in spite of the *'hard times" 
in the early part of the decade, and the fact that the lowest 
commodity prices in the whole history of the United States, 
in the latter part of the period, caused rather pessimistic 



feelings, especially among farmers. Some of the wire- 
grass counties more than doubled in population, and that 
region as a whole gained nearly 75%, a rate almost unpre- 
cedented for any equal area in the eastern United States 
within the memory of the present generation. Many log- 
ging railroads developed into regular railroads, and some 
entirely new systems were started. In the blue marl region 





Inhabitants per square mile 

Percent increase since 1890 

Percent white 

Percent colored 

Percent in cities of over 2,500. 






Percent of land improved 

Improved acres per inhabitant 

Percent of farmers, white 

Percent of white farmers, owners- 
Percent of white cash tenants 

Percent of white share tenants 

Percent of colored farmers owners 
Percent of colored cash tenants.... 
Percent of colored share tenants.... 










































Value of farm land per acre ($)— . 
Value of farm property, per sq. mi, 








No. of horses, per sq. mi 

No. of mules, per sq. mi , 

No. of cattle, per sq. mi 

No. of sheep, per sq. mi 

No. of goats, per sq. mi , 

No. of hogs, per sq. mi 

No. of chickens and guineas, sq. m, 

No. of turkeys, per sq. mi 

No. of geese, per sq. mi 

No. of ducks, per sq. mi 

Colonies of bees, per sq. mi 









Cost of labor, per improved acre. 
Cost of fertilizers, per impr. acre 
Value of products not fed to live- 
stock, per improved acre 

.50 1 


7.00\ 7.54 







7.68| 7.10 





however, which had the smallest population increase, the 
railroad mileage was diminished by about two miles by the 
straightening of what is now the Seaboard Air Line in 
Stewart County in 1896, and none has been added sincc.^ 

The negroes increased faster than the whites in most 
regions, presumably on account of the supplanting of lum- 
bering, turpentining and stock-raising by cotton-growing, 
which requires a large amount of unskilled labor. The 
proportion of urban population increased, as it has been 
doing throughout the civilized world for many decades 

The improved land increased nearly as fast as the popu- 
lation. White and negro farmers were counted separately 
for the first time in 1900, and every region had a larger 
proportion of whites among the farmers than in the total 
population, as was noted in the preceding article, covering 
upper Georgia for the same period. The percentage of 
farm owners among the whites was greatest in the wire- 
grass and fiatwoods, where land was cheap, but among the 
negroes there were as many owners in the coast strip as in 
the flatwoods, for reasons not altogether obvious. 

The value of farm land per acre, obtainable for the first 
time in 1900, was lowest in the most thinly populated re- 
gion* the flat pine lands, and highest in the coast strip, as 
might have been expected; and the same is probably true 
of the value of farm property per square mile, though ac- 
curate figures for the coast strip are not possible under the 
circumstances. But if improved and unimproved land were 
valued separately there might not be much difference be- 
tween the several regions, for in a thinly settled country 
the average farm consists mostly of unimproved land, which 
is worth very little. 

Horses increased a little in most regions, but not as 
much as the population or number of farms. Mules now 
outnumbered them everywhere except in the flatwoods and 

1 It may be worth recording as a hitherto unpublished incident of Georgia 
history that the railroad continued to charge for the transportation of passengers 
over the missing two miles until the summer of 1904, when the writer brought 
the matter to the attention of the Georgia Railroad Commission and had it stopped. 


perhaps in the coast strip. Cattle continued to decrease 
with the passing of the free range, except in the wire-grass 
and flatwoods, and even there they did not keep pace with 
the great increase of population. Hogs increased and chick- 
ens decreased a little in most regions, if the figures are cor- 
rect. Turkeys were most numerous in the more fertile re- 
gions, and geese in those that had the most free range; but 
whether the same was true in other states I have not investi- 
gatel. Ducks were much less numerous than turkeys and 
geese, except in the coast strip, where they about equaled 
turkeys and exceeded geese. 

The expenditure for fertilizers per acre decreased be- 
tween 1889 and 1899 in every region except the coast strip, 
but this may indicate a mere reduction in price rather than 
quantity, for in 1889 the phosphate fields of Florida had 
just been opened up, and that product may have been more 
expensive then than it was later. The value of products per- 
acre declined a little in the five uppermost regions and rose 
in the four lowermost, though that is not easily explained. 

CONDITIONS IN 1909-1910 

Soon after the beginning of the present century so many 
thriving towns had grown up at railroad junctions remote 
from county-seats in South Georgia that they began to de- 
mand courthouses of their own, and after more than a 
quarter of a century of inactivity in that line the legislature 
of 1904 provided for eight new counties (one in North 
Georgia and seven in South Georgia), which began to func- 
tion in 1905. In 1906 another one was added to accomo- 
date the **boom" city of Fitzgerald, founded as a G. A. R. 
colony about a dozen years before. 

This legislation left the sand-hill and blue marl counties 
untouched, but cut off part of Burke in the formation of 
Jenkins, which made the red hill group a little more homo- 
geneous. Jenkins was added to the list of lime-sink coun- 
ties (though the eastern part of that region is not as typical 
as the southwestern, and the southern part of Dooly, in- 
cluding all the rolling wire-grass portion, made the new 



county of Crisp, which however has not been used in any of 
the computations because it is about equally divided between 
lime-sink and wire-grass. 

Ben Hill, Jeff Davis, Tift, Toombs and Turner Coun- 
ties are wholly or mostly in the wire-grass, and increase the 
number of rows of figures to be copied and added to get 











c S 

3 i 


■Je c 

Inhabitants per square mile 

Percent increase since 1900 














Percent white 






Percent colored 


Percent in cities of over 2,500 

3.1 6.3 


Percent of land improved ~ 

Improved acres per inhabitant 

Value of farm land per acre ($) 

Value of farm property, per sq. m. 





























No. of horses, per square mi 

No. of mules, per sq. mi 

































1.7 1.4 
5.6 7.2 

4.3 4.5 
4.1 4.0 
0.3 0.3 
23 30 
82 81 

1.4 1.2 
126 133 
1511 158 
























No. of dairy cows, per sq. mi 

No. of other cattle, per sq. mi 

No of sheep per sq. mi. 




No of coats oer sa mi 


No. of hogs, per sq. mi 


No. of poultry, per sq. mi 

Colonies of bees, per sq. mi 

Av. value of horses, per head ($).. 
Av. value of mules per head 


1 153 

Av. value of cattle, per head 

1 1 
16.1| 17.8 10.81 


Av value of sheep, per head 


1.55| 1.40 

3.28| 3.60 

.38| .39 




Av. value of goats, per head 


Av. value of hogs, per head 


Av. value of poultry, per head 


Cost of labor (including board) 
per improved acre ($) 
































Cost of fertilizers, per impr. acre.... 
Cost of stock feed, per impr. acre.. 
Value of crops, per improved acre 
Val. of animal products, impr. acre 






Statistics for that region from lo to 15. Grady, formed 
from Thomas and Decatur, is added to the Hammock belt 
counties, but it is not very typical of that region, for it reach- 
es all the way across the wire-grass to the lime-sink region. 
The formation of Grady made Decatur more homogeneous, 
and that could very well have been added to the list of lime- 
sink counties in 19 10, but that has not been done. 

Table 3 gives much the same sort of Information for 
seven regions In lower Georgia that Table 2 did for the 
same regions a decade earlier, except that a section for the 
value of different kinds of farm animals is added. 

The population continued to Increase In most regions, 
but at a slower rate than between 1890 and 1900, and one 
region, the blue marl, lost over 10% If the figures are re- 
liable. The cities grew faster than the country, as usual. 
The racial composition of the population did not change 
much. Improved land Increased faster than population in 
nearly every region, making more Improved acres per in- 
habitant, which is contrary to the usual tendency, but prob- 
ably explained in large part by the decline of lumbering and 
turpentining, and the encroachment of cultivated fields on 
the cattle ranges. 

The apparent value of farm land per acre more than 
doubled, but at least half of that change was due to a world- 
wide decline in the purchasing power of money, as noted in 
the preceding article. The value of farm property per 
square mile of course increased also, with the increase of 

The number of horses increased In some regions and de- 
creased in others, but mules increased everywhere, by this 
time outnumbering horses except in the coast strip. Cattle 
Increased approximately 10% in every region, while sheep 
decreased about half in the area as a whole. Sheep arc 
most numerous where the farmers are mostly white, for 
negroes seem to have little to do with them> In any part 
of the world. (See Table 5 on page 223 of the preceding 
article.) The number of hogs remained about the same in 


the four uppermost regions and nearly doubled in the five 
lowermost. Goats, poultry and bees increased in some and 
decreased in others. 

The variations in value of cattle, sheep, goats and hogs 
in different regions are interesting. Generally speaking, 
the most valuable animals arc in the more fertile regions, 
where they are kept in pastures, and the least In the poor 
regions, where there is a great deal of free range, on which 
such animals can be raised at nominal expense and sold very 
cheaply. (There seems to be nothing In the census statis- 
tics to show that the net profits on scrub cattle and razor- 
back hogs are any less than on blooded stock.) 

The expenditures for labor per acre Increased in about 
the same ratio as prices in general, but those for fertilizers 
about trebled, presumably indicating a greater use of fertili- 
zers. The (apparent) values of products per acre about 
doubled, In consequence of the Increased expenditures. 

Tables 4 and 5 give separate figures for white and col- 
ored farmers In all the nine divisions of lower Georgia, for 
1 9 10. The colored farmers were all negroes except two in 
Chatham County, who were probably Chinese, as there 
were two Chinese farmers somewhere in Georgia at that 
time. By this time the red lime lands and the coast strip 
proved an exception to the previously prevailing tendency 
for whites to be proportionately more numerous among the 
farmers than in the total population. That Is doubtless cor- 
related with the concentration of whites in cities in those 
regions, leaving negroes decidedly in the majority in the 
rural districts. 

The number of foreign white farmers is insignificant, ex- 
cept in Ben Hill County and the coast strip. The largest 
proportion of owners among the whites Is In the flatwoods, 
where land is cheapest, and the red lime lands represent the 
opposite extreme. The same two regions are also opposite 
extremes In percentage of Improved land, white and negro 
farmers, and number of Improved acres per farm (of white 
farmers). The poorest white farmers, however, are in the 
sand-hills, and the richest In the coast strip. 























Percent of total _.... 










Percent foreign-born 








Pet. owners & part owners 










Percent managers » 










Percent tenants 










Av. no. acres per farm 










Improved acres per farm 










Value of: 

Farm land per acre ($).. 










Farm land per farm 






21401 1865 



Buildings per farm 




1 890 

48 S 

500 1 560 
94| 120 



Implements and mchy... 




1 "^" 




Number of: 

Dairy cows per farm 










Work horses per farm..- 










Work mules per farm.... 



1.6 2.1 






Acres of cotton per farm 



24.6 32.8 






Acres of corn per farm.... 



23.0 23.0 






Bales of cotton per acre.... 


J9] A3 .48 




.40 1 


Busbels of corn per acre 


lO.S 10.8J 12.8 






Negro farm owners are relatively most numerous In the 
coast strip (as before), and least in the red lime lands. 
Those in the blue marl region have the most land under 
cultivation, and those In the coast strip the least. The 
poorest negro farmers, like the whites, are in the sand- 
hills, but the richest, at least as far as land is concerned, 
seem to be in the wire-grass, though those In the coast strip 
lead in buildings and machinery. 

The coast strip has the most horses and dairy cows for 
both races, probably on account of the presence of the city 
of Savannah. The average white farmer has about one 
plow animal and a half, while the negro has just a little 
more than one to cultivate his proverbial forty acres. Some 
of the negroes In the flatwoods and coast strip evidently 
had neither horse nor mule. 








Percent of total ~ 

Pet. owners & part owners 
Percent tenants 











55.9| 26.8 

9.7 1 23.2 

90.31 76.7 

48.0| 15.9 
27.0| 58.1 
72.9 1 41.9 


Av. no. acres per farm 

Improved acres per farm.. 

Value of: 

Farm land per acre ($) 

Farm land per farm 

Buildings per farm 

Implements and mchy.. 



55 0\ 




765 1 

38 1 



786 1 


41 1 

524\ 57.3| 64.8| 54.4| 94.2| 62.1 

48.1| 44.8| 35.6| 35.5| 19.8| 13.1 

17.10|14.70|17.10|13.95| 6.78\ 12.30 

895| 861 1 1109] 760| 640| 770 

184| 181| 203| 170| 160| 245 

39| 43| 42| 31 1 31 1 68 

Number of: 

Dairy cows per farm 

Work horses per farm- 
Work mules per farm.... 

Acres of cotton per farm 

Acres of corn per farm. 

Bales of cotton per acre.. 

Bushe^*; of corn per acre. 



























































The negroes specialize on cotton more than the whites 
do, as seems to be the case throughout the South, but the 
whites nearly everywhere make a little more to the acre. 
In corn the whites have the advantage in both acreage and 
yield, but the difference in yield is not great. 

By subtracting the figures for negroes from those for all 
colored farmers we can ascertain that the two Chinese ( ?) 
farmers in Chatham County in 19 lo averaged 20.5 acres 
of land, all improved, worth $2*700 or $131.70 per acre, 
buildings worth $300, and Implements and machinery $500. 

CONDITIONS IN 1919-1920 

Between 19 10 and 1920 several things happened in lower 
Georgia, some of them rather local and some part of nation 
wide or world-wide movements. The demand for new 
counties continued unabated. The eastern part of Pulaski 


County was cut off in 19 13 to form Bleckley, which made 
no change in the total area of the lime-sink counties. Seven 
counties were added to the wire-grass list, namely, Wheeler 
in 19 13, Bacon, Candler and Evans in 19 14, and Atkinson, 
Cook and Treutlen in 19 19. Some of these took in parts 
of counties previously used to typify the flatwoods, and 
thus made both groups a little more homogeneous. 

More significant was the arrival of the boll-weevil, which 
swept across Georgia from west to east during the decade, 
cut down the yield of cotton and thus raised its price, put 
many negro cotton-pickers out of employment, and caused 
other crops to be partly substituted for cotton, particularly 
peanuts, which seem to require about the same amount of 
labor per acre.^ 

Then the World War in the latter half of the decade first 
checked the demand for cotton temporarily, and then caused 
a great migration of southern negroes to northern fac- 
tories and mines to take the place of foreigners who were 
hindered from immigrating; and the present immigration 
restrictions seem to be having a similar effect on the colored 
population in lesser degree. At the same time there was a 
shortage of imported fertilizers, particularly potash, which 
was produced mostly in Germany. A little later many 
able-bodied young men of both races were taken away from 
the farms, and finally the currency was inflated by bond Is- 
sues until commodity prices in 1920 were just about double 
those of 1910. 

The shortage of labor was partly met, throughout the 
country, by an increased use of machinery, and the shortage 
of fertilizer by cultivating more acres per man and giving 
more attention to live-stock and to crops w^hich take little 
mineral food from the soil, such as syrup. The war strained 
the resources of the country, and although it did not cause 
the destitution here that it did in Europe, it must have made 

1. A recent estimate places the cost of keeping the weevil in check, by means 
of labor and poison combined, at a little less than $2 per acre. This suggests the 
desirability of adding to future census schedules an item for expenditures for in- 
secticides, the cost of which must exceed >Lhat of fertilizers and feed in many 



the average person poorer, even though the inflated prices 
and the large incomes of a few profiteers tend to obscure 
the fact. 

In the state as a whole the apparent value of implements 
and machinery per farm increased from $72 in 19 10 to 
$204 in 1920 ($97 to $279 for whites, $37 to $99 for 
negroes), and after allowing for the difference in value of 



















Inhabitants per sq. mi 

Percent increase since 1900-.. 

Percent white 

Percent colored 

Per cent in cities of over 2,50C 

Percent of land improved „ 

Impr. acres per inhabitant 

Percent of farmers white 

Pet. of white farmers owners 
Pet. of white farmers tenants 
Pet. of col. farmers owners... 
Pet. of col. farmers tenants.... 






















1 50.0 

















Val. of farm land, per acre ($)| 
Val. of farm prop ., per sq. mi.| 

No. of horses, per sq. mi „ 

No. of mules, per sq. mi 

No. of beef cattle, per sq. mi... 
No. of dairy cattle, per sq. mi. 

No. of sheep, per sq. mi 

No. of goats, per sq. mi 

No. of hogs, pr sq. mi 

No. of chickens, per sq. mi 

No. of other poultry, per sq. m 
Colonies of bees, per sq. mi 

20.00 1 
15,900 1 













53.0 1 

93.9 1 



40.20 1 37.20 1 33.30 

96 1 



9.2 1 

120 1 

10.6 1 













Cost of labor (includ'g board)| | 

per improved acre | 1.15| 

Cost of fertilizers, impr. acre] 3.88| 
Cost of stock feed, impr. acre] .28| 
Val. of crops, per impr. acre..| 36.25| 

I I 

1.8 1 2.03 1 1.95 1.29 1 1.02\ 

2.13\ 4.25| 2.65| 3.34| 3.63| 

.25 1 .35 1 .27 1 .25] .32 1 

18.75\ 34.001 28.901 31.401 32.70 1 






the dollar at the two periods It would seem that the amount 
of machinery must have increased nearly 50%. Some of 
the resulting changes In Intensity of farming will be brought 
out farther on. 

Another change, which had little to do with the war, was 
the enormous development of automobiles during the decade. 
Although most of those seem to be owned by city people 
and used mainly for pleasure, their owners had to have 
good roads to travel on, and even If all other factors had 
remained unchanged, the Improvement of roads through 
the farming districts would tend to enhance the value of 
farm land and make farming more intensive. 

As in other parts of the United States, few railroads 
were built during the war period, and several short lines 
were abandoned, largely on account of the competition of 
good roads, automobiles and trucks; which was rather in- 
convenient for those who did not own cars. 

Table 6 shows much the same sort of data for seven re- 
gions as Table 2 did for the same twenty years earlier. 
The growth of population was checked a little by the war, 
as In most other parts of the world. There was a great 
decrease in the blue marl region again and a trifling one In 
the red lime lands, but in both the white population in- 
creased and the decrease can be ascribed to the northward 
migration of negroes. The percentage of whites Increased 
In every region except the flatwoods, and in that region the 
city of Waycross accounted for nearly all the Increase of 
population In the whole area. The war seems to have 
made most cities grow even faster than usuaL while the 
rural population was practically at a standstill in many 
parts of the country. 

The percentage of improved land increased In some re- 
gions and decreased in others, as did the number of im- 
proved acres per Inhabitant. After allowing for the rise 
of prices there was still an increase in real farm land values, 
due to the increase of population, the improvement of roads, 
the increased proportion of improved as compared with 
unimproved land on farms, and perhaps other factors. 


The number of horses declined In nearly every region, 
mostly on account of the Increase of automobiles, but mules 
increased In most regions. Cattle also Increased about io%. 
Sheep continued to decline, but goats Increased In some re- 
gions, and hogs and chickens In most. It will be observed 
that beef cattle are much more numerous than dairy cat- 
tle in the piney woods regions, where there Is plenty of 
free range. 

Expenditures for labor per farm and per acre did not 
change much, so that there must have been only about half 
as much labor employed In 19 19 as In 1909. Expenditures 
for fertilizers and feed approximately doubled, like prices. 
The value of crops per acre was less than double in most 
regions, indicating lower yields, especially in the blue marl 

At the present time the blue marl region is probably the 
best example in Georgia of extensive farming, i. e., culti- 
vating a large number of acres per farm with a comparative- 
ly small yield per acre. This type of farming is also charac- 
teristic of the corresponding part of Alabama, and of the 
black belt, which adjoins it on the west, and still more so 
of the states between the Mississippi and Missouri Rivers, 
where corn and wheat are raised on very large farms 
with the aid of elaborate machinery. The population of 
all such regions (outside of cities) seems to be nearly at a 
standstill at present, and the blue marl region has been 
losing about one percent of Its population annually for the 
last twenty years. 

The coast strip is the nearest approach in Georgia to the 
other extreme, Intensive farming, with small farms and high 
yields per acre, resulting from large expenditures for labor, 
fertilizer, etc., accompanied In most cases by rather high 
land values. This Is partly on account of the city of Savan- 
nah furnishing a ready local market for vegetables, the good 
railroad connections with northern markets, the mild winter 
climate favoring early vegetables, and the level topography 
which allows water and fertilizer to be evenly distributed. 
(The original soil fertility hardly enters into the problem 



at all.) Negroes happen to be in the majority in both 
the blue marl and the coast strip, but as a rule in most parts 
of the country they tend to engage in general farming, 
rather than in extensive farming with machinery, or in- 
tensive farming which to achieve the greatest success re- 
quires very efficient marketing. 

Table 7 gives the relative acreage and yield of eight lead- 
ing crops in lower Georgia in 191 9. These seem to be those 
occupying the largest acreage in the area as a whole, but 
in some regions other crops may be more important than 
some of these eight And it should be borne in mind that 
acreage and yield fluctuate from year to year, and the cen- 
sus year may have been abnormal in one way or another, 
so that the figures should not be taken too literally. 

The relative acreage of cotton had declined since 1909 
in some of the regions, especially the blue marl, and its 


GEORGIA, 1919. 


g Q 




a i 















1 1-7 




1 1-7 

pB a 

Pet. of improved land in 






Sweet Potatoes 

Sorghum (for syrup).— 

Yield per acre. 

Cotton (bales) 

Corn (bushels) 

Oats (bushels) 

Cowpeas (bushels) 

Peanuts (bushels) 

Sweet Potatoes (bu.).— 
Sorghum (gals, syrup) 
Sugar-cane (gals.) — 






3.0 1 


0.5 1 

















55 1 





49 1 

129 1 

10.0 1 


20.0 f 



































49 1 





yield still more; this being doubtless due mostly to the 
boll-weevil. Other crops, especially peanuts, increased pro- 
portionately. The yield of corn fell off a little too in most 
regions, and that may have been due either to different 
weather conditions in the two census years or to shortage 
of fertilizers. The yield of the other crops for 1909 has 
not been computed, so direct comparisons cannot be made at 
this time. The highest yields of most crops, even cotton, 
which is raised very little there, are in the coast strip, on 
account of the intensive farming prevailing there, and not be- 
cause of any natural superiority of soil. 

In this article and the preceding ones little or nothing has 
been said about certain crops which are very important in 
some sections, such as hay, apples, peaches, watermelons, 
pecans, cabbage, tomatoes, and tobacco, partly for lack of 

Graph showing ratio of improved farm land to total area, in 
percentages, for ten regions in Georgia and the whole State, from 
1850 to 1920. The sand-hills, hammock belt and coast strip are 
omitted because they are so much narrower than the counties trav- 
ersed by them that the figures are not accurate. The curve for the 
blue marl region seems abnormally high in 1870 and may indicate 
some undetected error in the census returns, and that for the lime-sink 
region may be too high in 1880 or too low in 1890, for a similar reason. 

, AGRICULTURE IN GEORGIA, 1850-1920 343 

time, and partly because of census gives no information 
about the acreage of some of these crops, or the value of 


The salient features of each region and the prevailing 
conditions in each decade having been sketched in these 
four articles, it will now be appropriate to sum up the 26 
tables with their over 3800 ratios, and review in a more 
general way the principal changes in agricultural conditions 
in the whole state in the 70-year period covered. Some of 
the changes have been shared by the whole civilized world, 
while others have been more or less peculiar to the south- 
eastern United States or to certain regions^ 

First there will be presented a graph showing the changes 
in the percentage of improved land in each region for which 
the statistics can be depended on. In ante-bellum days 
(after the pioneer period of cutting away the virgin for- 
ests), and probably up to about 1880, the percentage of 
improved land was a very good indicator of soil fertility, 
though the Civil War caused a decline in most regions, 
which is easily understood, and the utilization of land in 
the mountainous portions of the state was hindered some 
by the topography. Some of the ups and downs of the 
curves may be due to fault}^ census figures, but it is pretty 
evident that the Lower Piedmont, blue marl, red hills, and 
red lime lands are the most fertile regions in the state on 
the whole. Just before the Civil War most of the farming 
in Georgia was confined to them. 

About 1880 the influence of commercial fertilizers began 
to be felt, and the improved land curves took an upward 
turn in regions formerly regarded as almost unfit for farm- 
ing, especially the wire-grass, and to a lesser extent the 
somewhat more fertile lime-sink region adjoining. The 
improved land in the wire-grass more than doubled between 
1900 and 1920^ and millions of acres of beautiful park- 

1. At this point the reader would do well to refer again to Dr. R. P. Brook's 
"Agrarian Revolution in (Jeorgia," cited in the first article in this series, for it 
discusses some of the developments between 1S65 and 1912 in more detail than 
there is room for here. 


like long-leaf pine forests which stood in that and the lime- 
sink region when the writer first explored them in 1900 
have been destroyed by the greedy farmers and replaced 
by a dreary wilderness of stumpy fields, so that that part 
of the state is now a much less desirable place of residence 
for any one who cares anything for the beauties of nature. 
(What the farmers have gained, if anything, will be dis- 
cussed a little farther on.) In some places the lumbermen 
went ahead of the farmers and left desolate cut-over lands, 
which however still retained their interesting herbaceous 
vegetation, and reproduced the pine again if given half a 
chance; elsewhere the farmers took possession first, girdled 
the trees without taking the trouble to cut them down, and 
left their gaunt skeletons standing in the fields. 

The wire-grass country showed a remarkable increase of 
about 50% in improved land between 19 10 and 1920, in 
spite of the war and an increase of only 20% in population, 
and it would seem that the farmers there were trying to 
make up for a reduced yield per acre by cultivating more 
acres with more machinery, though the decline of forest in- 
dustries may also have been a factor. But it is likely that 
the usual tendency of increasing intensity of farming will 
be under way again before the next census. 

The great increase of farms and population in the sandy 
parts of the South with the aid of commercial fertilizers 
since the Civil War is one of the most interesting economic 
developments of modern times, and it must have had a 
great deal to do with ''putting the South in the saddle" in 
national affairs a few years ago. (Georgia now has a denser 
population than Iowa, which has much more fertile soil and 
about twice as large a proportion of improved land^) 

The next graph illustrates the percentage of negro farm 
operators by regions, at different times. Definite figures 
are available only for 1900, 1910 and 1920, but It is as- 
sumed that there were practically no negro farmers before 

1. For a discussion of the extension of agriculture and increase of population 
in the pine-barrens of the southern coastal plain since 1880 see Journal of Geog- 
raphy 15:42-48, Oct. 1916. 



the Civil War, and that the proportions! increased steadily 
from the end of the war up to 1900, except In the coast strip, 
where the statistics seem to indicate that there were a con- 
siderable number of negro farmers even in 1870, and In 
one or two other regions where somewhat similar conditions 
may have prevailed. The percentage Increased in nearly 
every region between 1900 and 19 10, and might have In- 
creased a little more by 1920, if it had not been for the 
World War, which checked the negro population in the 
South as previously explained. 





J 890 



Graph showing percentage of the farms in each region in Georgia, 
and the whole state, operated by negroes, from 1900 to 1920, with 
hypothetical extensions of the curves a few decades farther back. 
(It is assumed that the percentage was zero, or very small, in evtrf 
region up to 1865.) 

Generally speaking, negro farmers are most numerous 
in the more fertile regions, though their numbers are re- 
stricted in the two northernmost regions (and everywhere 
farther north) by the climate, which is not favorable for 
cotton growing. 



The third graph illustrates the changes in standards of 
living of the average white farmer in each region since 
1850, as indicated by the value of land and buildings per 
farm, which seems to be the best measure available. On 
account of the fluctuations of prices, especially in the last 
two decades, if the values were taken literally the results 
would be very misleading. So it has been assumed that the 
standards of the average white farmer in the whole United 
States have remained constant, and the values for the sev- 
eral regions at each census have been expressed as percen- 
tages of the U. S. average. The actual number of dollars 
involved is written close to the U. S. or 100% line, includ- 
ing both paper and gold values for 1870, when gold was 
at a premium of about 25%. As a matter of fact there 
was probably a decline in the average United States stand- 




Graph showing value per farm of land and buildings of white 
farmers in each region from 1850 to 1920, expressed in percentages 
of the United States white average, to eliminate variations in tha 
purchasing power of the dollar as far as possible. (The numbers 
along the 1007o line are the U. S. white values in dollars.) Certain 
limitations to the accuracy of the curves are explained in the text. 


ards of living between i860 and 1870, on account of the 
Civil War, and a smaller one between 19 10 and 1920, and 
an upward trend at other times, so that If we had correct 
data the curves would be steeper In some places and flatter 
In others. 

As previously explained, practically all farmers wer,e 
white In 1850 and i860, and In 1870 the percentage of negro 
farmers must have been almost negligible except in the coast 
strip and perhaps one or two other regions. Separate fig- 
ures for white and colored farmers for areas smaller than 
states are available only for 19 10, but the 1900 and 1920 
values have been approximated by assuming that the ratio 
of white to total farm values in those years was the same 
as in 19 10, except for making a little allowance for known 
changes in the percentage of negro farmers. It would not 
be safe to make estimates for 1880 and 1890 in that way, 
though, for the number of negro farmers in those years is 
entirely unknown. 

The 1850 values are taken from the tables already pub- 
lished, which leave out three of the regions on account of 
the counties In which they are chiefly situated being too 
large at that time. The i860 value for the whole state is 
also based on the census figures, but those for the several 
regons have been scaled down about 10%, on account of the 
number of farms returned by counties being evidently too 
low, as explained in the March number. Some of the 1870 
points have been raised a little to allow for the possible in- 
clusion of a few negro farmers In the returns, but the 
values for whites in the coast strip at that time must be 
regarded as wholly indeterminate. 

The 1850 and i860 values for the red lime lands and 
coast strip are so high that they could not be shown on the 
graph without making It considerably taller, or using such 
a small scale that some of the curves toward the bottom 
w^ould be too close together. The omitted values can be 
seen in the tables in the June number. 

This graph brings out plainly what has already been 
stated about the regions that have the most negro farmers 


generally having the most prosperous whites. The de- 
cline In standards of living In every region during the Civil 
War period is easily understood, but the further decline of 
several regions between 1870 and 1900 and the rise of most 
of them (relatively to the whole United States) since 1900 
are not so easily explained. Standards of living are not as 
closely controlled by environment as many people believe, 
but are more or less spontaneous or accidental. Migration 
of farmers from one region to another with higher or 
lower standards might have a marked influence, but the 
census gives no adequate information about such move- 
ments within states. The rapid rise In the red lime lands 
curve since 1900 may possibly be correlated with the dis- 
covery of the cause of malaria in that year. 

The white farmers of the coast strip seem to have al- 
ways been above the United States average, and those of the 
red lime lands, although apparently below the national av- 
erage since the 70's, if the calculations are correct, are now 
more prosperous than the average for any state within 300 
miles of the coast from Maine t oTexas. 

An interesting application of this graph Is that most of 
the noted personages born In Georgia seem to have come 
from those regions whose rural standards of living were 
above the state average in ante-bellum days. And com- 
parisons of the same kind between different states show 
very similar relations. 

The census did not give the acreage of different crops 
until 1880, so that accurate comparisons of crop yields arc 
possible only for about forty years past; but it is safe to as- 
sume that the extensive farming of slavery days generally 
produced even lower yields per acre than In 1880. When 
we compare two periods only ten years apart we cannot be 
sure that differences in crop yields are not due to weather 
conditions or something of the sort; but if we find a pro- 
gressive rise or decline running through several census 
periods we are reasonably safe in taking that for a general 

AGRICULTURE IN GEORGIA, 1850-1920 ^ 349 

In the state as a whole the average yield of cotton per 
acre rose from .312 bale in 1879 to .408 in 1909, then drop- 
ped as a result of boll-weevil conditions to .356 in 19 19. 
Corn went from 9.2 bushels per acre in 1879 to 12.1 in 

1919, oats from 9.04 to 14.7 in the same period, wheat 
from 6.64 to 7.73, peanuts from 12 bushels in 1889 (when 
first enumerated) to 18.9 in 1919 (a gain of over 50% in 
30 years), sweet potatoes from 72.2 bushels in 1879 to 
92.1 in 19 19' sugar-cane syrup from 103.8 gallons in 1879 
to 170 in 19 1 9, and so on. All these increased yields were 
doubtless due not only to more careful cultivation but also 
to the work of the plant breeders in developing more pro- 
lific varieties, and more progress in that line may be ex- 
pected in the future, though of course it cannot go on in- 

Close comparisons of the number of animals per square 
mile or per farm at different periods are not possible, be- 
cause the earlier agricultural censuses seem not to have 
counted calves, colts, lambs, shoats, etc., at all, and that of 

1920, having been taken in January, of course found the 
number of young animals at a minimum. But bearing 
these limitations in mind, it is pretty evident that the num- 
ber of cattle and sheep in Georgia, especially the latter, has 
declined with the passing of the free range. One occasional- 
ly sees arguments for the revival of sheep raising, but pas- 
ture sheep do not seem to go very well with the intensive 
farming that seems likely to prevail in Georgia a few de- 
cades hence\ and the same may be true of beef cattle. 
Dairy cattle are likely to increase with the growth of cities, 
unless it is found more profitable to import milk and butter 
from northern dairying centers and specialize on products 
better suited to our climate. Work oxen seem to have al- 
most gone out of style, and the last three censuses have not 
enumerated them. The number; of hogs has increased 
since 1870, but not quite as much as the population. Al- 
though more meat is imported into Georgia than was the 

1. England is a great sheep country, but conditions there are exceptional 
in many respects. 


case say fifty years ago, the cattle rangers of the West are 
giving way to crops too, with the result that the popula- 
tion of the whole United States is becoming more vege- 
tarian in its diet; and we may ultimately approach the con- 
dition of China and Japan, where there are hardly any 
beef animals and not very many hogs but plenty of chickens, 
which take up very little room and go well with intensive 

Horses have declined pretty steadily since 1850 and 
mules increased correspondingly. In 1850 Georgia had 
nearly three times as many horses as mules, and in 1920 
four times as many mules as horses. Part of this change 
is due to the passing of the free range, but that does not 
explain everything, for horses still outnumber mules in the 
North and West. In the last ten or fifteen years the auto- 
mobile has displaced many horses, especially in cities (but 
no more in the South than elsewhere) , which had the curious 
effect of keeping the price of horses nearly stationary 
through the recent war period, when nearly everything else 
went up. 

Animals of all sorts decreased during the Civil War de- 
cade, especially beef cattle and hogs, which were less than 
half as numerous in Georgia in 1870 as in i860, having 
been eaten up during the war and not replaced very prompt- 
ly. The World War had very little effect of that kind in 
this country. 

It is now pertinent to inquire what the farmers have done 
for themselves in these seventy years. Boosters can point 
with pride to the constantly increasing number of farms, 
cultivated acres, bales of cotton, bushels of corn, value of 
farm property and products, etc., but much of this progress 
Is more apparent than real, especially in the last particular, 
values, for the purchasing power of the dollar declined con- 
tinually from 1897 to 1920, making all prices higher^ 

1. A typical example of ithoughtless optimism (if that is the proper term for 
it) is the widely circulated "Blue-Book of Southern Progress," published by the 
Manufacturers' Record (Baltimore) last spring. It is full of statements about 
the values of property, products, ect., in the South (including Maryland, West Vir- 



In ante-bellum days the average Georgia plantation prob- 
ably fed and clothed only about one-tenth more people 
than the number living on it. Cotton and some food- 
stuffs were sent to market in exchange for what few manu- 
factured articles and delicacies could not be easily produced 
at home, and the number of merchants, manufacturers, 
carriers, public officials, etc., probably did not exceed io% 
of the adult population. At the present time about half 
the goods the farmer consumes come from cities or dis- 
tant states or countries, and there are more people in cities 
than on farms )in the whole United States at least^), so 
that the average farmer may be said to be feeding and cloth- 
ing at least one family besides his own; which Is made pos- 
sible by increased crop yields, Improved machinery and 
transportation facilities, etc., and incidentally smaller fami- 

In recent decades there have been developed all sorts of 
schemes and devices, unheard of In ante-bellum times os- 
tensibly for the benefit of the farmers. For example, more 
prolific varieties of crops, cheaper fertilizers. Improved ma- 
chinery, good roads, telephones, rural free delivery, auto- 
mobiles, plans for diversification and co-operative market- 
ing, tick eradication, better rural schools, county farm dem- 
onstration agents, gov^ernment bulletins, experiment sta- 
tions, soil surveys, boys' corn and pig clubs, farmers' organ- 
izations, and farm loans. A person who read the agricult- 
ural bulletins and papers carefully but never got out among 
the farmers might think all this would make the modern 
farmer's life a perpetual picnic, as compared with conditions 
a generation or two ago. 

ginia, Kentucky, and other border states which are far from itypical of the South) 
In 1920 being more than those of the whole United States in 1880, etc. The fig- 
ures are taken from reliable sources, but the author carefully avoids menltioning 
the fact the dollar of 1920 was worth only about half as much as that of 1880 
(and one- third that of 1900), which destroys the value of many of his compari- 
sons. If the purchasing power of the dollar should continue to increase in the 
next several years as it has in the last two (which may not happen), ^nd the same 
concern should hereafter undertake to show the progress of the South from 1920 
to 1930, some other measure than money will have to be used or allowance made 
for its fluctuations in value. 

1. The census of 1920 found only 29.9% of the population of the United 
States, and 58.2% of that of Georgia, living on farms. 


But (strange to say?) most of our farmers still live from 
hand to mouth, as they have done ever since the Civil War, 
and whenever there is a slight crop shortage, or a surplus 
that brings down prices, or a financial panic, cries of dis- 
tress are heard on every hand, and "experts" and law- 
makers get together and try to make the farmers believe 
that something is going to be done immediately for their 
relief. Generally speaking, farmers let the benefits of all 
such agencies as are listed in the preceding paragraph slip 
through their fingers and pass on to the consumer, and even 
the consumers have not benefited much as individuals, but 
have simply become more numerous. While the farmers 
are undoubtedly more efHcient than they used to be, they 
do not seem to be raising their standards of living much. 

The graph a few pages back shows that the average white 
farmer in Georgia today is poorer than he was in ante-bel- 
lum days, and at just about the same level as in the recons- 
truction period; but most of the regions have been on the 
up-grade for the last twenty years at least, and some of 
course have done considerably better than the state average. 
Separate statistics for negro farmers have not been avail- 
able long enough yet to show whether they are progressing 
or not. 

In spite of the persistent efforts of many well-meaning 
but uncomprehending city people to ''uplift" the rural popu- 
lation, there seems to be no escape from the fundamental 
principle that in any state or region the average farmer^ 
of any race or nationality, hi the long run (but not neces- 
sarily every farmer every year) gets out of his farin or any 
part thereof just what he spends on it, plus the value of his 
time; regardless of soil, climate, the kind of crops or animals 
raised, the market price thereof, weeds, insects and other 
pests, good or bad roads* distance from markets, tenure, 
taxes, tariffs, the form of government, legislation, loan sys- 


terns, or any other factor that does not change much from 
year to year^ 

In the above statement of fundamental principles most 
of the factors are relatively fixed for any one locality, but 
the value of the farmer^s time Is somewhat elastic. An 
intelligent farmer naturally gets a higher return for his la- 
bor or supervision than an Ignorant one; but when all the 
farmers become more efficient the benefits are likely to be 
passed right on to the consumer as above stated. An ade- 
quate return for the farmer's time is commonly fixed by 
the customs and standards prevailing in his community; and 
if all or nearly all the farmers who produce a given crop 
could agree that they would not sell it except at a price 
that would bring them ample remuneration for their efforts 
they could practically dictate their own terms and raise 
their standards of living to any reasonable point. Organ- 
ized laborers have already accomplished much in that line, 
(at the expense of nearly everybody else), but it would be 
rather difficult to bring about such unanimity among such 
a large and heterogeneous class as the farmers. If it could 
be accomplished though It would do the farmers more good 
than all the efficiency devices above mentioned, and the con- 
sumers would probably be just as well off as they are now, 
after they became accustomed to the new order of things. 

As for the future, about all that can be confidently pre- 
dicted for the next few decades Is that Inventions and dis- 
coveries tending to Increase the efficiency of farming will 
continue to be made, thus enabling the farmers to support 
more and more city people; and as the population increases 

1. It is assumed that most farmers in a given region are so nearly adjusted 
to their environment that they do not v^-aste time trying to raise crops wholly 
unsuited to the locality, or in other unprofitable efforts. But even if a fartojer 
was completely adjusted, the environment is liable to change at any time, by the 
arrival of a new kind of bujg, a change in the tax rate or assessment, the build- 
ing of a new road or railroad, or something of the kind, so that the future ia 
always a little uncertain. And another important point is that farmers differing 
widely in efficiency and standards of living may dwell in the same community 
at the same time, just as trees, shrubs and herbs of many species may grew 
side by side in the same soil. In every community there are some far abovej 
the average, who are always prosperous, and many below the average, but the 
average itself is not easily changed. 


land will become more valuable and farming more inten- 
sive, though not an equal rate everywhere^ 

It is also likely that the farms and cities will continue to 
encroach on the forests, the number of tenants will increase, 
and the number of horses, beef cattle, sheep and perhaps 
hogs per capita will decline. 

If there is anything in evolution the farmers in Georgia 
and elsewhere ought to gradually better their condition, 
as long as wars and other calamities do not Interfere, but 
this process will hardly keep pace with the Increase of popu- 
lation and total wealth, in spite of any efforts that may be 
made to "speed it up." 

1. At the present time about one-tenth of the inhabitaats of the United States 
(Including a good many in Georgia) are living In counties whose population hfts 
been practically at a standstill for 25 years or more ; and most such counties are 
characterized by rather high rural standards of living, so that the inhabitants 
thereof ought not to worry about their failure to Increase. 


Edited by 
R. P. BROOKS, Ph. D., 
University of Georgia, 


Washington, [D. C.,] Jan. 3, 1861.^ 
My dear Sir: 

We have not succeeded in bringing the Governor of our 
state^ to his duty and he will not convene the Legislature. 
In a few days the President of the Senate and Speaker of the 
House will I think issue the call. 

The Administration has today assumed a position which 
in my opinion will cut the Gordian knot and hastily attract 
all the Southern states in a common cause. The President 
is determined to retain Anderson at Fort Sumter and en- 
deavor to collect the revenue. This will be likely to lead 
to blows and the Southern states, yet hesitating, will in con- 
sequence rally to action. But all the news I could give you 
will be anticipated before this could reach you. 

Our state, as I have regarded from the first, is really the 
key to the whole movement of the South. If she could be 
got to move promptly, accept the fact as it exists, that the 
Union is really now dissolved, and declare herself out of it, 
and take the lead for a Southern Republic at once, this whole 
difficulty could be peaceably solved. The North would never 
wage war against a united South. But if the 4th. of March 
arrives and the North gets possession of this capital, and 
inaugurates Lincoln, only part of the South being out, you 
may rest assured the whole power of the Government will 
be used to subjugate the states which are out. Then we 

1. Erroneously dated 1860 in original. 

2. Maryland 


should and would join hands, but only after a war is com- 
menced the end of which could not be foretold. The only 
way to avoid war, just as sure as God rules over us, is for 
the whole South to be joined in a new confederacy before the 
4th. of March. 

The great necessity in our state is just that which was re- 
quired in our last election, bold leaders who would rally our 
people to the cause. The state could be put in the position 
it should occupy in 30 days, with far less labor and cost than 
carried it for Breckenridge. Our party is nearly a unit, 
many of the Bell party are with us, but as yet there is no 
daring spirit to lead us to the work. 

You will ask why I do not move perhaps, and I am sor- 
rowful to answer, that I do not and cannot. My whole heart 
and soul is with you as you know and a far more popular and 
easy task it would be to rouse up our people to the work 
than that I had to perform before the election. But I am 
forced now to listen to the call of duty put up by my family 
and abjuring all public affairs prepare for private business, 
because politics has impoverished me. In 1853 I was forced 
to sell my estate and home to meet reverses I suffered in con- 
sequence of my efforts for Mr. Buchanan in 1852. During 
the last four years as you know I have had to brave the work 
and bear the expenses mainly of all our contests in Md. and 
this leaves me in heavy debt. In consequence of my loss of 
hearing from a throat affection contracted in Pa. in 1856, I 
cannot pursue my profession and turning to some other call- 
ing I am looking to a location in New York in March. 
Could I have got settled an old claim against the P. O. De- 
partment which Black has pronounced sound and I expected, 
amounting to some $31,000 I could remain in Md. but 
things are such now I have no home in that quarter. Indeed 
to be frank I am not sure who are my friends any more. 

You will perhaps wonder and not care to relish all this 
selfish narration but I have made it because I could not suffer 
you to misunderstand my inaction. The entreaties of my 
family and sense of duty drive me from all public affairs. 


To all your movements I bid God's speed. The south is 
only doing now what the irrevocable laws of nature and 
necessity compel her to do and what can be much better ac- 
complished than when a fanatical and dictatorial majority 
shall have grown stronger and more arrogant. 


Charleston, S. C, Jan. i8, 1861. 
My dear Sir: 

Your despatch has just been received. A letter of mine 
to Col. Orr which he will show, and the enclosure it contains, 
will show you our present position. The failure of a con- 
signment in reaching us, made it necessary, with all con- 
venient certainty, to be assured to what extent, we could 
be relieved, if a pressing occasion should arise. Hence the 
telegram to you. Thank you for your offer to assist us. 
We shall not diminish your stock unless something unex- 
pected should suddenly occur. If it does not, in the course 
of a little time we will be relieved. 

Your despatch of the adoption of the secession resolutions 
was highly gratifying. And the announcement you make of 
the passage of the ordinance tomorrow, creates for all, the 
source of earnest congratulation. The Southern states will 
owe you much for your counsel and aid in saving them from 
the fate which awaited them; and I have no doubt their sense 
will be evinced in a manner gratifying to you and honorable 
to them. Upon the outpost which this state for the present 
maintains, other interests beside hers, are also involved. I 
shall be glad therefore to hear and profit by your suggestions, 
whenever you have leisure to write, and this I beg you to re- 
ceive, as communicated with great sincerity. 


Macon, [Ga.,] 4 May, 1861. 
Dear Sir: 

Excuse me if I seem too forward in offering advice. My 
anxiety for the safety and success of our country is my only 



apology. I fear the government does not realize that this 
is a war of conquest znd not so much by the Lincoln govern- 
ment as the Northern masses and if their leaders were to 
even talk of peace they would be hurled from power. The 
trial of strength then between the two sections is inevitable. 
It is a death struggle depend upon it ! and its length will very 
much depend upon the vigor with which we deal our first 
blows. We must lose no first battles; it will throw a damper 
upon our friends and add countless thousands to their foes, 
and years of blood and carnage to the war. They believe 
our subjugation not only practicable but easy. Let us stun 
them so by our first blows that they will early learn it will 
cost much more than they calculated, besides opening up to 
their view a prospect of some danger of an invasion of their 

Our excellent president Davis is not quite up to the mark. 
He should call for half a million soldiers and he could have 
them mustered in three weeks. But let our men be defeated 
or let them rot in camp while the enemy martials his hosts 
and tramples down our friends in Maryland and elsewhere 
and until the spring and summer pass away and the wet and 
inclement weather of fall and winter return, we shall be 
ruined, our people will be discouraged and the North will 
pour down her millions upon us, for then their farmers and 
laborers will be at leisure and will constitute an army of very 
different material from that composed of the scum of the 
cities as will be the case at first. For God's sake let us strike 
them effectually before they send that dangerous material 
against us I Let us convince them that there can be nothing 
made by fighting us. Washington City must be taken and 
the Vandals driven out of Maryland — that is part of our 
territory and it is disgraceful for the South to look on and 
see our friends there trampled under the feet of a vile host 
of Abolitionists and foreign vagabonds when if we would 
try we can protect them. We have not force enough at Nor- 
folk. They are resolved to recapture that important point 
when their forces are concentrated cost what it may and with 
a skillful leader they can easily do it in spite of double the 


force we have there. Our friends seem to forget that every 
one of their boasted Batteries can be turned by a large land 
force under a skillful leader and what is to hinder such a 
force being landed anywhere above or below? We ought 
also to remember that the fidelity of our colored population 
depends upon our success in effectually defending our soil. 
Let us falter or fail and our present security will be at an 
end. Northern abolition emissaries and spies are all over 
the South in advance of their invading army and throughout 
the South the Blacks are already informed of the object of 
that invasion. I know that whereof I affirm. Is anybody 
so blind as to feel sure that a vast majority of the slaves 
would not with avidity escape from bondage if they felt there 
v/as a power near to secure them that Boon? The Vandals 
must not on every account either keep or acquire a foothold 
in the South and to prevent It and keep the Carthagenians 
out of Italy we must carry the war Into Africa. '*Delenda 
est Washington" and northern forts beyond must be the 
Roman cry before Rome can hope for peace 


Camp Cobb, Richmond Va., Sept. 7, 1861. 
My dear Wife: 

This Is my birthday and I cannot let It pass without com- 
muning with you by letter which Is our only privilege at this 
time. It Is a warm but bright day. God grant that It may 
be auspicious of the great future that lies before us. Since 
I last wrote to you I have had a busy and an anxious time. 
My new and varied duties have made my camp life a rou- 
tine of constant labor and occupation. All of it is borne, I 
trust with Christian patience, until sickness and death 
throw their gloom over all around me. Like all the other 
regiments in Virginia we are passing through a trying or- 
deal. Already we have burled twelve of our men and I 
fear that before many hours we will be called to follow 

1. At the time Cobb was a Colonel in Command of the 16th Ga. Reg. of Inf. 


Others to their last resting place. All else I can meet and 
endure, but to see my men falling around me by the hand of 
disease, and I am powerless to protect them, it wrings my 
very heart. I try to lean upon the arm of Him alone who 
holds our destiny In His hand and in the sincerity of my 
heart I pray that He would stay the hand of the destroyer. 
Duty requires me to enforce discipline and often to do for 
the good of the men what they feel and believe is only an 
arbitrary exercise of power. How little do they know of 
what Is going on in my mind and heart, when they Indulge 
in such complaint. I visit them daily to cheer them up and 
often with a bleeding heart I smooth their foreheads with 
my hand, and with some gentle pleasantry try to drive away 
the despondency which the death of their comrades has 
brought upon them. But you know thnt at best I am but 
a poor comforter in a sick room and all that I can do adds 
but little to their relief. My chaplain, Mr. Flynn is a most 
excellent man and in his quiet and unobtrusive way, spends 
his hours In visiting and comforting our sick 


Macon, Ga., Nov. 3, 1861. 
Dear Gov[ernor] : 

.... We make plenty of bread and meat for another year, 
and as our supplies of salt, bagging, rope, negro clothes, 
shoes, etc., were all laid in for cash last spring, at the ruling 
prices at that time, we can laugh at the blockade for a while 
if salt Is $12 per sack. (Ours cost $1.25 which In 200 
bushels I laid in makes the slight difference between $250 
and $2400 and all the above named supplies In the same 

But how it will be another year If the blockade Is not 
raised makes me hold my breath when I think of It. I have 
some wool and next May's clip v/ill add some to it, making 
In all probably 800 lbs. or more which will make about half 
our negro cloth. Shoes I can get at some price I expect. 
As to bagging, rope and twine, we can do without, by pack- 


ing seed cotton away in pens and letting it lay until the Eng- 
lish send us bagging. But salt we must have or starve. I 
suppose enough will be made on the long line of our coast 
during the year 


Macon, Ga., Dec. 20th, 1862, 
Dear Father: 

I returned here last night from S. W. Ga. I never heard 
until last Wednesday of the death of Uncle Tom^ I was 
very sorry to hear it, it is a hard blow on our family more 
so on his wife and children. I don' t know what they will 

I went down to Sumter a few days after you left here. 
I got $5019. and some cents from Sparks, proceeds of Hur- 
ricane^ cotton and the balance from the sale of corn in 
Amerlcus, and paid Jackson the first payment on the land 
$^7^3-33 and give him two notes each for the same 
amount one and two years with Interest from date if not 
punctually paid at maturity, and took his bond for titles. I 
asked him if he would deduct the interest If the notes were 
paid before due, but he could not tell as the notes belong to 
children and he is not their guardian, he said he would find 
out and let me know. I signed your name to the notes by 
me with which he is satisfied. Scrutchins has moved to 
Worth and our negroes have moved to Sumter. I went 
down and attended to the measuring of the corn, he had 
4780 bushels. I gave hime the same In Worth. We only 
had about five hundred bushels to sell in Worth. I had en- 
gaged 1000 and the agent held me to my contract and I 
have left orders for the other five hundred to be delivered 
at Amerlcus, which will close up the corn business. There 
was about 30,000 lbs. of fodder. I have not had a settle- 
ment yet, but will have it in January. The fattening hogs 
will be driven up from Worth this week, which will be the 

1. Brigadier General T. R, R. Cobb vras killed at Fredericksburg Dec. 13, 

2. One of the Cobb plantations. 


last thing we will have to move. There is one hundred and 
thirty stock hogs on the Scrutchins place, which is more 
than I expected, so we will not have many to take from the 
Barwick place to supply them. 

They have killed hogs on the Barwick, McBride and 
Mount place, if Brantly has killed it was after I went to 
Worth they have had fine weather on their meat. 

I saw Brantly's fattening hogs this last trip, they arc the 
smallest he has ever had since I have been going to the 
places. I don*t think they will average much over 150 lbs, 
he will have to keep them until late to make them go much 
over that. I think the old fellow is so much ashamed of 
the looks of his hogs compared with the others that he will 
do better next year. All the Sumter^ negroes have been 
vacinated and Dr. Barrow will vacinate the Worth negroes 
tomorrow, The Bibb negroes were vacinated before I left. 
I have not yet heard from Baldwin. I am going over there 
on Monday to send the negroes I am going to move to 
Sumter.^ I will take two mules from the Hurricane. There 
will be five grown hands and some children in the lot that 
I will move. I am going to send them down in a wagon 
and make Henry go with them, drive six mules down leave 
two and let the four bring back the empty wagon. I send 
them this way on account of the smallpox; there is too much 
risk in sending them on the cars. All the negroes have re- 
turned from Savannah, no clothes has been given to them, 
and I don't know what I will do for Kerseys cannot be had 

Some of them came back with the measles, which I am 
afraid will spread over all the places. I told all the over- 
seers to give the negroes only three days Christmas and 
to keep them on the plantation. 

Jenny has had a fine Cobb horse colt, — ^bay. 

The corn that we sold in Athens I could not deliver, as 
the Railroad will not receive anything but government 

1. One of the Cobb plantations, 

2. Sumter, Worth, Bibb and Baldwin are names of counties in which the Cobbs 
owned plantations. 


freight. I will see Mr. Hull and the others when I go 
to Athens. I had made all my arrangements to have it de- 
livered at once, but when the R. R. agent refused to receive 
it, I could do nothing, and as the time is nearly passed 
when we could haul it will be impossible to deliver it be- 
fore next summer, unless they will pay for hauling. There 
is a man who wants to get a contract to haul our corn to 
Americus, but about that and other things I will tell 3^ou 
when I see you. 

I will be in Athens next Wednesday, and remain during 

Col. Browne told me when here that Judge Jas. Jack- 
son had been appointed military Judge for Ga. H. R. Jack- 
son w^ould be made Brigadier General soon and that Howell 
would be appointed cadet on his (Col. Bs) return to Rich- 


Richmond, Va., Jan. 21, 1863. 
My dear General: 

I have much pleasure in informing you that I have been 
entirely successful in negotiating your maters with the Sec. 
of War, and that too without any unnecessary delay. I 
hope that the arrangement will be satisfactory to you and 
that you will have full success. While you have the men 
allow me to advise you to be present in Ga., as much as pos- 
sible and not leave the matter estirely to recruiting officers. 
Vast injury to the prompt execution of the Conscript law 
has been done by the indiscreet appeals for volunteers of re- 
cruiting officers who ask men to volunteer to escape the dis- 
grace of conscription and thus aid in making the law odious. 
The law has almost failed in Ga., owing in a great measure 
to the utter imbecility of those appointed to administer it, 
and if we do not get the men by spring our position will be 
more than critical. There is no Ga. Regt. in the army of 
N. Va. that has upwards of 500 rank and file for duty and 
many have not half that number. Bad designing men in 


Crawfordsville,^ in Hancock Co., and elsewhere are doing all 
they can to bring Joe Brown into open rebellion; we there- 
fore need the energy, sense and popularity of men like 
yourself to counteract their efforts and make the people act 
as Georgians ought to act in such a crisis 


Macon, Ga., March 9th, 1863. 
Dear Mother: 

I arrived here last night from Sumter. I spent several 
days with father in Florida and left all well.- 

I have delivered the meat to the Government at 35^. I 
have not been paid yet. I could have got the money this 
morning, but as there is a prospect of getting the 50^ I 
concluded to let the acct. stand open for a week, as the 
Agt. told me by that time he would be authorized to pay 
the 50^ per pound. I delivered 23870 lbs. Father was 
perfectly satisfied with the price and did not think the Gov- 
ernment ought to pay any more. 


Milledgeville, Ga., 1863. 
My dear Missis: 

I write to let you know I have not forgoten you and if 
you please mam send your old servant some sugar and cof- 
fee and give my love to all the children. I am so disable to 
come. I send these few lines by Warren. Please send wat 
you can spare by him to me and you will oblige me for I do 
love my coffee. Give my love to all my collord friends in 
the yard and receive the greates portions for yourself. 

So farwell till I her from you, I remain your mammy. 

1. Sumter, Worth, Bibb and Baldwin are names of Georgia counties in 
which the Cobbs owned plantations. 

2. Grcneral Cobb was then In command of a military district in Florida. 

3. A slave of Mrs. Cobb's. 




Quincy, Fla., March 25th, 1863. 
My dear Son: 

I received your letter by yesterday's mall. The sad in- 
telligence It communicated had already reached me through 
the telegraph and letter of your Uncle William. It was a 
sudden shock and my heart sunk under the blow. I know 
that my dear boy Is happy and his sainted spirit calls for 
no grief, yet It Is hard to be reconciled to the idea that I 
shall see him no more In this world. ^ May God in his in- 
finite Goodness, grant us all a happy family reunion in that 
happy home to which he has gone. 

My great anxiety and distress now is about your mother. 
She Is never out of my mind. Tom was the pride of her 
heart, as the youngest child always is the dearest to a 
mother's heart. She will be supported, I know full well, In 
her severe trial, by that true christian faith and piety, which 
has In her a bright orament, and a worthy example, my 
dear son, for all of us. Her life and conduct In my eye has 
been the most effective teaching to my own wayward heart. 
With all this, she will still suffer much, her health is not 
good, and this severe affliction Is almost too much for her. 
She will require all the kindness and attention that her chil- 
dren can afford and I know that their kind hearts will 
readily respond. God will give relief to her aching heart 
and restore cheerfulness to her gloomy spirit, for it Is not 
his will that we should go through life with a sorrowing 
shade ov^er our pathway. I want to hear not only that she is 
well In health, but cheerful In spirit 


Richmond Va., May 5th, 1863. 

. . . And now, my dear Sir, will you pardon me for directly 

1. The reference is to the death of Cobb's infant son Thomas R. R. Cobb. 

2. Confederate Secretary of War. 


applying to you on a matter which I have felt to be of such 
delicacy, that I had requested our friend Hunter to inti- 
mate an inquiry on it, but which I understand a day or two 
since on the eve of his departure from the City he had omit- 
ted to do. You are aware that the late Congress required 
by law the two Q. M. Gen. to be a Brigadier General and 
it would be agreeable to the president, and most gratifying 
to me if you would consent to accept that position. In no 
spirit of false modesty, but with sincere feeling of your 
claims and capacity, as well as your past distinctions and 
reputation, I feel almost ashamed to ask you to accept any 
position less than the first in the Department, but I know 
your whole heart and mind are devoted to our great cause, 
and believe that you would consider the post of most use- 
fulness that of greatest honor. A Quarter Master of high 
capacity, energy and administrative mind would be of inval- 
uable service to the Government, and this may be said with- 
out any undue disparagement of Col. Myers who is a very 
good Bureau officer and a very pleasant official to deal with. 
With you however in this most important of all administra- 
tive branches of the Department, I should have a far fuller 
assurance of efficiency and success. Will you consider this 
matter, if deemed worthy of your thought, seriously and if 
unfavorably hold it as confidential, but if otherwise, let mc 
know your determination at your earliest convenience. You 
will not I am sure, misunderstand this proposition as im- 
plying any disparagement of your high usefulness in the 
field, but only as evincing my estimate of your superior 
Civic qualifications for the most important duties, and my 
great anxiety to secure them in that Department of the 
Government, which while during the war it must be admit- 
ted to be the most important, is of course to me the essen- 
tial and most Important one. 

I trust therefore, you will at least pardon my presump- 
tion in submitting the proposition to you. 



Atlanta, Sept. 9th, 1863. 
My dear Wife: 

I reached here on yesterday and have been constantly 
engaged, so much so,' that I have not seen Milly though 
Mr. Glenn called to say they had a room for me. I shall 
move to their house to-day. The court has been ordered 
to suspend their sessions and I had hoped to have gone to 
Athens in the morning, and then returned to my command 
In Florida, but I have just received a dispatch fron Gen. 
Cooper at Richmond, ordering me to remain here and 
take command of the State Troops^ raised by Gov. Brown. 
If the President had done his very best to place me In the 
most unpleasant position possible, he could not have suc- 
ceeded better than by this order. I am placed under Gen. 
Bragg, and have to cooperate with Joe Brown about whom 
you know my opinions too well to repeat them. My duty 
requires me to submit without murmur or complaint, and I 
shall do it. 


Dalton, Ga., Feb. 2nd, 1864. 
My dear General: 

I had the pleasure to receive your letter of the 25th of 
Jan. in due time, and I thank you for It cordially. It is not 
possible to misunderstand your motives. 

I have repeatedly suggested to the President the course 
you refer to, without going into details, however. Think- 
ing that as the plan of operations involved the use of other 
troops as well as mine, and a new base of operations, my 
proper course, after a general suggestion, was to wait for 
an Invitation from the President to explain my plan and 
propose the transfer of the forces necessary to give us 
reasonable hope of success. I have repeated that sugges- 

1. Cobb was promoted to Major General on Sept. 9, 1863, and placed in Com- 
mand 7th Georgia Nat. Troops. 


tion several times, once since receiving your letter, but, ap- 
parently, without exciting my interest in his Excellency's 

I was surprised to learn that anybody is crazy enough to 
think of another invasion of the North. Should it be made 
it will ruin us. I fear, however that your Richmond cor- 
respondent expects too much in saying that "The whole 
effort of the spring will be directed to Tennessee." I fear 
a continuance of our old policy of distributing our forces. 

The Federals, according to our scouts, have taken no 
troops from Middle Tennessee. I suppose, therefore, that 
as soon as Thomas is ready, he will save us the trouble of 
looking for him in Tennessee by marching into Georgia. 
Then, should we have been provided with the means of 
beating him and of marching, it would be agreeable to 
pursue him to the other side of the Cumberland Mountain 
and perhaps, not difficult. 

I am sorry that you apologized for writing to me on so 
important a subject. I hope that you will continue to sug- 
gest to me. It would be as agreeable as advantageous to 

We have observed your efforts with great interest and 
have great expectations from them. Could you not 
strengthen the army by pointing out to Georgians the worth- 
lessness of new cavalry organizations;" which are keeping 
them out of the infantry and which since Morgan's escape 
our people are running mad about. 


Sparta, Ga., Feb. 28, 1864. 
Dear General: 

Joe Brown has been here the guest of Linton Stephens 
and little Aleck likewise. The Legislature is to be con- 
vened in Special session, and Toombs, Stephens & Co., will 
no doubt put Joe Brown up to some factious issue with the 
Confederate Government. The point of attack will be the 
suspension of the Habeas Corpus. Yesterday, Bishop Pierce 
made a noble, patriotic speech in this place. Little Aleck 


managed to have himself called out after the Bishop & 
made an insidious speech, full however of poison, & bile. I 
am sure, if not intimidated by a fore-stalling expression of 
public opinion, these men will seek to put Georgia in a 
hostile position to the Confederate Government at the ap- 
proaching Session of the Legislature. Now it is a sad thing 
if Georgia is to be made to play such a role. Just as our 
skies are brightening and our Campaigns opening auspici- 
ously mischief is being plotted. Your influence with the peo- 
ple is paramount and I notify you on time of what is going 
on that it may be exerted to prevent harm. I am sure it will 
be felt on the side of patriotism. Fortunately I do not think 
the Legislature can be swayed from its propriety. 


Columbus, Ga., July 31st, 1864. 
Dear General: 

If Hood has not at least a month's provisions on hand, 
we are ruined, whether we conguer Sherman or not, unless 
the roads leading from Macon be kept open. How else is our 
army to be fed? Suppose the roads South and West of Ma- 
con now cut and we defeated ; our army must perish. Where 
would they fall back to? Macon They would perish 
there. To Columbus? They would perish before reaching 
there. To Alabama via West Point would be the only re- 
treat by which they could possibly subsist with the least hope 
of subsistence and that is a forlorn hope. In this event what 
becomes of Macon, Andersonville and all South West Geor- 
gia? -nay, all Georgia. Suppose we are victorious and take 
twenty thousand prisoners, what are we to do with them? 
How are we to feed them or even the guard of them? Sup- 
pose Sherman should surrender his whole army; How 
would we support it and our own two days? Where are the 
wounded to be sent, to avoid starvation? Suppose Sherman 
retreats, we cannot follow him. We cannot remain in At- 
lanta. Every soldier you send forth but increases the dif- 
ficulties. Can you conceive of a more awful state of things? 


And . . . .^ they are almost certain. I see but one sure escape 
from them; and that Is In keeping the road from Mont- 
gomery through this place open, stocking It with a thousand 
cars, and enlisting all the energies of Govs. Watts, Clark, 
Brown, and all other agencies, in hurrying on provisions to 
the army immediately. Let the road between here and Ma- 
con be strongly guarded through its whole length, and let 
all the provision cars be put upon it that can be mustered, 
and let all the provisions that can be got (without starving 
the prisoners) be put upon it and hurried to the army with- 
out a moments delay; or to points to meet on Its retreat or 
both. Before this reaches you, you will hear that the Cen- 
tral R. R. is cut 30 miles below Macon, and the ncares*" 
bridges burnt. The Columbus road is postponed onlv be- 
cause the Yankees knew that the breaks beyond Opelika can- 
not be repaired for weeks to come. May the Lord help us I 

P. S. The Yanks may have saved Augusta by their damage 
to the Ga. R. R. 


Augusta, Ga., Jan. 19, 1865. 
My dear Wife: 

Pope and myself arrived here safely last night. I find the 
people depressed, disaffected and too many of them dis- 
loyal Everybody expects Augusta to be at- 
tacked and I think it will be, without the slightest hope of a 
successful defence. It may be a week or more before it takes 
place, as Sherman, when last heard from was at Pocataligo, 
and his course from that point has not yet been indicated. 

I think It will be towards Branchvllle and Augusta 

I find Gen. D. H. Hill in command here, and cannot under- 
stand why I was ordered here. Surely not to put me under 
him. I have written to Richmond on the subject and cannot 
tell you how long I may be here until I get an answer. Of 
one thing I am quite certain, one or the other will leave and I 

1. Corner of letter mouse-eaten. 


have no objection to leaving myself. Whoever stays will 
have to abandon the place when Sherman comes and be well 
cursed for it. It would take an army to defend the place, 
and there are not troops enough here to make a respectable 
picket line around the City. 

Tell Johnnie that I came across a pair of bellows to-day, 
which I bought at $200 and will send up to Madison in the 
care of Mr. Charles Campbell with instructions to deliver 
them to whoever he sends with the wagons 


Athens, Geo., Jan 22, 1865. 

I have the honor to report that in compliance with your 
instructions I visited the region of N. E. Geo. on a tour 
of inspection. I went as far north as Dahlonega, where 
from the reports I had previously received, I expected to 
find an organized command under Col. Findley. In this, 
I regret to say, I was dissnppointed. Col. Findley's com- 
mand, if he had any, is scattered over the country as if 
quartered at home and it would be difficult to collect the 
men without considerable delay. I have directed Col. 
Findley, in case his command should be required for im- 
mediate service to concentrate all his men and at once obey 
the order issued from your Hd. Qrs., to rendezvous at 
some point in the vicinity of Atlanta. 

Col. Findley claims to be a Brig. General, which rank 
however I can not acknowledge until officially informed 
thereof from your Hd. Qrs. Should he fail to act as 
directed, I would suggest his arrest. 

1 understand that Col. Rawlston has about five hundred 
men in Gilmer Co., Col. Ledger about the same number at 
Blairsville, Col. Simmons about four hundred in Hall Co., 
and Col. Baker a force in the upper counties near the Rail- 
road. The last named officer appears to be doing good 
service and to be more efficent than the others. 


Col. McCulliim is at Canton and reports about one hun- 
dred men. 

I regret to say, that a large number of men, comprising 
these organizations are within the conscrip<;-age and ab- 
sentees from other commands. I am satisPed that a ma- 
jority of them have been induced to join these regiments 
under the promise,' that they should not be disturbed and 
have the privilege of remaining at home. 

These several commands are mostly unarmed. They 
should be made to assemble at some point where forage 
and provisions could be obtained. There, they should be 
organized, disciplined, armed and drilled and then suddenly 
sent to Gen. Hardee or Gen. Lee. By this means we might 
get a respectable force into the field. They ought not to 
be sent tb Gen. Hood, because many of their old friends 
and neighbors serve In the ranks of Thomas' army and the 
facilities and inducements for desertion being greater, I 
have no doubt a majority of them would either leave or go 
over to the enemy. 

I received a letter yesterday from Maj. Graham inform- 
ing me that he was marching towards Ducktown with about 
four hundred men. He is acting In obedience to your 
orders. He will be joined beyond the mountains by Col. 
Baker. I think these two efficient and energetic young of- 
ficers may effect something in the way of obtaining infor- 
mation: I only fear, that they may with their limited forces 
attempt too much. 

I have directed the tax in kind to be gathered and stored, 
to be issued on proper requisitions to such troops a smay 
be entitled to receive rations and forage. I have quite a 
supply at Gainesville in charge of Capt. Harrison, who per- 
mit me to say, is one of the most energetic and active of- 
ficers I have met with in the service. There will be in a 
short time a considerable supply of stores at Dahlonega. 
Owing to the negligence of the officers charged with the 
collection of the tax in kind, I have found in the District 
a greater quantity of forage and provisions than I expected. 


My limited authority has prevented mc from doing many 
things, which I considered beneficial to the Government. 

In conclusion, I am gratified to say, that throughout my 
tour in N. E. Geo., I have seen no signs of disloyalty, but 
or the contrary, I have found the people full of hospitality 
and kindness. I am satisfied, that if they, could be protected 
from the roving bi^nds of deserters and thieves which in- 
fest the country, they would prove true and faithful friends. 

Head Qurs. Post, 

Newman, Ga., Feby 17, 1865. 

I desire to call your attention to the condition of this 
section of country. In the counties of Carroll, Fayette and 
Campbell, there is a very great scarcity of corn, barely 
enough to bread [ ?] the people with the greatest economy. 
I am informed by the very best authority that in the Coun- 
ty of Fayette, there are more than twenty distilleries in con- 
stant operation, and in Carroll there are nearly as many 
more, besides several in Campbell, all engaged in distilling 
corn and rye. 

It is almost impossible to buy corn at any price in conse- 
quence of these distilleries consuming every surplus bushel 
of grain. In the Counties mentioned there are many de- 
serters who are in the habit of frequenting those sinks of 
vice, and in places banding themselves together for the 
purpose of resisting the men engaged in collecting the ab- 
sentees from the army. The same state of things exists 
in nearly every county in north western Georgia. I trust 
Major you will take steps to have these evils stopped. The 
remedy In my judgment Is a rigid enforcement of the laws, 
and If they are not stringent enough, to make them so by 
additional legislation. 

1. Colonel Commanding post at Newnan 

2. Acting Adj. Gen. on staff of his father, Maj. Gen, Howell Cobb, head- 
quarters at Macon. 


The General Assembly Is now in session and it should 
at once put a stop to the distillation of grain. I know that 
hundreds of poor families are almost in a state of starva- 
tion, and unless aid is given them they must starve. Many 
of them are widows and orphans whose, husbands and 
fathers have fallen in the defense of their country. 

I know these things to be true, as poor, dependent wo- 
men are every day begging me for assistance. They are 
willing to work If employment could be found, but In the 
present condition of the country there is but little demand 
for their labor. The country above this In many places 
that have been overrun by the enmey, now Is entirely desti- 
tute of supplies, and many have no means to buy with. 

I deem it my duty to apprise you of the situation of af- 
fairs in order that we may have your aid to remedy the 
evils complained of. 


Head Qrs., Govt. Works. Ord: 

Columbus, Ga., March 23d, 1865. 

I have been furnished with Instructions for and placed 
in charge of the duties of running in Supplies for the Ordi- 
nance, Nitre and Mining and Medical Bureaux, from Ha- 
vana and Nassau, to the Florida coast. 

You are too familiar with the wants, and general con- 
dition of our Armies, and the supplies at hand, to render 
any special notice necessary from me to impress upon your 
mind the great importance of success in the undertaking, 
and I do not hesitate to call on you for aid, and acquaint 
you of the enterprise. 

We have already arranged to transfer our supplies at 
Burmuda and other points, chiefly to Havana, to make 
them available to us by quick and short voyages to the 
Florida coast. And our agents abroad are now ready to 
respond to our call as soon as we may be prepared to make 


It. Transportation from the landings to places of safety 
is almost effected, save the Trains. We propose to prepare 
for moving (75) Seventy five Tons at once In a single train. 

Now what I desire to ask of you, Is to aid us In securing 
the Arsenal at Chattahoochee from the Governor of Florida, 
for a Depot, there being many facilities for storage, ship- 
ping, etc., etc. Will you please then do me the favor to 
write to His Excellency, Governor Milton, such a letter as 
you may deem proper, and send It to me, that I may send 
it down, (with other papers showing my authority, Instruc- 
tions etc.) and urge upon him to let us have it. 


Athens Ga., June 4th, 1865. 

On reaching Nashville I was, by direction of the Presi- 
dent, released from arrest and ordered to my home at this 
place and directed on my arrival here to report to you, re- 
maining in Georgia subject to the further orders of the 
President. I accordingly report to you, with the assurance 
that I shall promptly respond to any order or summons 
that I may receive and In the meantime shall strictly con- 
form to my parole. 

For this act of personal kindness and confidence I am 
Indebted In a great measure to yourself. I beg to express 
to you and to President Johnson my thanks and apprecia- 
tion of this manifestation of personal confidence and to 
give you the assurance that neither the President nor your- 
self shall have cause to regret the confidence that has thus 
been manifested. 

If agreeable to you I should like to have a personal Inter- 
view, not In reference to any matter personal to myself, ' 
but on matters of public Interest and with that view will 
visit Macon at any time that may be Indicated as conven- 
ient to you. 


This communication will be delivered to you by my Son, 
Capt. Cobb, who will arrange for any answer reaching mc, 
that you may desire to make. 


Macon, Ga., July loth, 1865. 
Dear Father: 

I came up on yesterday from Sumter and leave tomorrow 
for Baldwin and return here on my way to Sumter in about 
a week. The five hundred bushels of corn I had sold the 
Yankees at one dollar per bushel, they declined taking and 
I had to sell it to the Gov't. Contractor at eighty cents, 
losing twenty cts. on the bushel. I will have about two 
thousand bushels more corn for sale. I am offered seventy- 
five cents in greenbacks or fift}^ cts. in gold. I think I can 
get a little more. I think I can get 55^ to 6o0 in gold for 
it delivered at the depot at Americus. Don't you think it 
would be best to sell it for gold. Greenbacks arc going 
down every day. Gold is now worth forty per cent pre- 
mium and there is no telling how high it will go. 

Write me at once which to sell for gold or greenbacks. 
I think myself it will be better to take the gold. Blooms 
owes me about three hundred and fifty dollars on the cot- 
ton. I had one bale I did not sell him. I sold it in Ameri- 
cus at twenty-two cents. I will not make any contract 
about the corn until [I] hear from you. If you write as 
soon as you receive this, the letter will reach me by the 
time I return from Baldwin. . . 


Sumter County, Ga. 
Aug. 20th, 1865. 
Dear Sir: 

I have but very little to write. It still remains very dry. 
Cotton is sorry in consequence of the drouth Peas sugar 

1. An overseer on one of the Cobb plantations 


cane and potatoes are sory We are all tolerable healthy 
I have not any cases of fever on the place I have some 
negroes lielng up pretending to be sick but I think its 
freedom sick and too lazy to work Samson has not done 
but little work since you was here and contracted with them 
he has a soar leg (and claims) that he is not able to do heavy 
work. I tried to make him shuck corn and make horse col- 
lars and he is not willing to do that He is very sasy and im- 
pudent If I was admitted to whip him I would know what 
to do with him There is a part of the negroes that works 
and behaves themselfs very well and A part of them is doing 
mity badly 


Athens, Ga., Oct. 3rd, 1865. 
My dear Sir: 

Calling last evening at your residence I learned of your 
departure the morning of that day for Washington. I 
suppose you will have important business of your own to 
attend to with which I would not interfere. But should 
you have or find leisure and opportunity occur to speak to 
the President in my behalf, you will greatly oblige me. I 
have manifested my confidence in the President's sense of 
Justice by calling his attention to his discriminations against 
the subordinates whilst he has generously allowed the 
greater offenders to go at large. More recently he has 
magnanimously pardoned Gov. Brown whilst the little fish 
(myself for instance) are held in durance, that is I am 
under bonds not to leave this state. My remnant of prop- 
erty left to me is in South Carolina and I cannot be allowed 
to return into possession without a pardon. My mills and 
settlement and negro quarters were all burned and if I may 
have the use of my property another year, it is time to be 
replacing some necessary buildings. For that purpose I 
must If possible borrow money, which I cannot in good 

1. On the outbreak of the War a prosperoi* planter, whose summer home was 
in Cobb's Congressional District. 



faith attempt until I am cer[tain] that I can use it. I have 
no further purpose or object in obtaining an early pardon 
than is connected with arrangements to provide for the de- 
pendent and helpness females of my family, who are home- 
less (my residence near Decatur having been burned) and 

In all my life I never believed I was embarked in a bet- 
ter cause than the cause of the Confederate States. The 
fate of war has been against us. I submit to the decision 
with all the sincerity of an honest man, and am as sincerely 
a citizen again of the United States as Governor Brown 
and believe I am as justly entitled to pardon as he is, if he 
has not placed his merit upon the ground of Treachery to 
the cause he had sworn to support. I thank God I place 
my claim on no such ground. He has been enriched by the 
war, I have been impoverished by it. I ask my pardon on 
the simple ground that I intend to be faithful to the Gov- 
ernment to which I sue for an early pardon that I may pro- 
vide for those whom nature has made dependent on me. Il 
the amount of loss sustained be any ground or atonement 
by which one may be said to have paid the Penalty, I have 
some claim on that score. But I place all my claim on the 
sincerit}^ in which I renew my allegiance to the United 
States. I sent on my application for pardon on 14th June. 
Soon after I saw Gen. Thomas' Circular and conforming 
to that I made a new application from the Indian Springs 
about 15th August. 

I suppose from what is said that there will sooner or 
later [be] a general amnesty for which I would cheerfully 
wait btit for considerations already stated. 

Should you find it convenient and acceptable to speak to 
the President on my behalf and succeed in obtaining my 
pardon please ask that it be forwarded to care of Phinizy 
and Clayton, Augusta. 

I have been at your house this morning and learn that 
all are well. 




Athens Ga., Oct. ii, 1865. 
General : 

My application under President Johnson's Amnesty proc- 
lamation, has been forwarded to Washington during my 
absence. Desirous of having your endorsement and ap- 
proval I address you this letter, with the request that you 
will forward to the President such recommendation on the 
subject as in your judgement Is right and proper In the 

My case is briefly this. I was a secessionist, warm, 
earnest and decided, even violent and bitter. Entering the 
army at the commencement of the war, I served to its close 
and submitted only when our flag was struck down. I did 
all that an honorable man could do, to ensure success, noth- 
ing more. I thus state the case as strongly against myself as 
it can truthfully be made. I beg to say to you In the most 
emphatic manner that the imputation lately sought to be 
cast upon me, of unkindness to prisoners Is both unjust and 
unfounded. I never spoke an unkind word, much less do an 
unkind act to a prisoner during the war, but on repeated oc- 
casions, I supplied their wants from my own means, such 
as clothing, feeding and furnishing them with money. If 
I have no other claim upon the President for his pardon- 
able consideration of my application, I feel in my conscience 
that It would be due to me for my uniform kindness to 
prisoners, whenever the occasion occurred. 

When Gen. Johnson surrendered, I looked upon the war 
as at an end, and since that time have counselled our peo- 
pcoplc to a submission to the results of the war, and cheer- 
ful comformity to the new state of things. You however are 
fully aware of my course and conduct In this respect and I 
need not elaborate it. 

1. From a draft in Cobb's handwriting found among the Erwin papei 


Badly wrecked, as you may know, In fortune by the re- 
sults of the war, it is important not only to me, but to my 
family, that I should be restored as soon as possible to my 
status and rights as a citizen and hence I desire naturally 
to obtain as early and as favorable action in my case, as is 
consistent with the public interest. 


Macon, Ga., Oct 28th, 1865. 
My dear Wife: 

. . . .Judge Lockrane just from Washington, tells me that 
the President sent for him to consult about Georgia mat- 
ters. He talked quite largely on the importance of the oc- 
casion and closed by saying that my name was the subject 
of a part of the conversation and that I might look con- 
fidently for a pardon. 

The convention is getting on quite smoothly at Milledge- 
vllle. I understand that the race for Governor will be be- 
tween that gentleman patriot and statesman, C. J. Jenkins^, 
and Joe Brown. There can be no doubt about the result. . . 


Macon, [Ga]. Nov. 5th, 1865. 
My dear Wife: 

Our office is now in full blast, that Is, we are ready to 

do business when It comes.^ It is true none has as yet made 
its appearance. We have had several nibbles (as the fisher- 
man would say) , and I think it will not be many days be- 
fore we shall have a large trout. The indications are very 
favorable, and I have no doubt we shall do a good business. 
From what Johnnie tells me the negroes in Sumter are yet 
undetermined what they will do. I am more and more 
hopeless everyday about the poor creatures doing well. 

1, Governor of Georgia, 1865-1S68. 

'2. General Cobb had formed a law partnership with Judge James Jackson and 
located in Macon. 


Cotton Is so high and the spirit of gain so rampant that 
people are wild in their notions about making cotton an- 
other year. It may work out better than I expect, I hope 
It will, but I am not willing to rely upon the work of freed- 
men for a support. If it comes, well and good. If not, let 
us be prepared to get our meat and bread some other way. 
So clients come along, we want your ready cash. 

The convention is in an awful snarl over the war debt 
of the state. ^ A majority want to pay It, or a part of It 
but Marse Andy says, "Nary dime". What they will do, 
I can't say, though I rather think they will pass it bye and 
let the Legislature fight It out with the authorities in Wash- 
ington. If this course is adopted, it is a virtual pledge that 
the debt will be paid. By a close vote, the convention has 
determined to sustain the College, and you may look for a 
resumption of the University next year. Everybody Is for 
Judge Jenkins for governor. Joe Brown held out as long 
as he could, but the current was too strong for him and he 
went under. He has written a letter to Judge Jenkins 
pledging him his support. A feeble effort Is being made to 
bring Stephens out against Jenkins. The Telegraph here 
has an article every morning for him, the work of one 
Judge Lockrane, but it won't do. Jenkins has the track 
and even Mr. Stephens can't josde him. 


August 24th, 1865. 
Respected Sir: 

Your son. Major Cobb, delivered me your kind message 
a few days since. It Is said that "Necessity knows no law," 
and I am very much In that situation. I am as perfectly 
helpless as an infant, hundreds of miles from home, and 
friends, without a cent of money, and In wretched health, 
so it Is with the greatest difficulty I keep out of my bed. 

I dislike very much to Impose on your kindness and gen- 

1. The Greorgia State Convention of 1866. summoned to carry out the Presi- 
dential Reconstruction. 


crosity, but I know your motives are the purest In the 
world, and are prompted by a noble and true Southern 
heart. You saw my helpless condition, and like the good 
Samaritan came to my relief. God will reward you for it. 
I heard Indirectly from home last week. The wretches 
are occupying my property In Norfolk and in North Caro- 
lina where I planted, they have burned every house on two 
plantations, stolen and destroyed all of my stock, farming 
implements, etc., and there is nothing left but the land. 
God only knows what they will do with that. I am entirely 
out of provisions; If you can spare me a little bacon, flour, 
sugar and lard, please do so, my family have had no wheat 
bread to eat for the past two months, only a few pounds 
will do me. 


Americus, Ga., April 27, 1866. 
Dear Father ; 

I received yours of the 23rd., Inst, on my return from 
the plantation on yesterday evening, I sent the letter to 
Jesse Morgan to Mitch Morgan today, and requested him 
to send It to his brother at once as It was important that 
he should receive it as soon as possible. I did not know 
where he lived unless It Is his brother that lives in Dooly. 

Everything is getting on pretty well at the plantations. 
The negroes are doing very well except at the Jackson and 
Scrutchins places and there I think it Is as much the fault 
of the overseers as the negroes. . Hudson and W. Barwick 
don't understand how to manage free negros, but the ne- 
groes on their places are doing better than I thought for, 
both of them make great complaints to me, but I think most 
of the trouble is In their Imagination. 

At Mounts, the negroes have pretty much their own way, 
but as they are a good set of negroes they do very well. 
He deserves no credit for It. He Is now in Alabama, will 
be back next week 



New York, Oct. 8th, 1866. 
My dear General, 

We learned with great satisfaction that you have been 

successful in planting, and have made a good crop of cot- 
ton. I never, however, apprehended that you would not be 
prosperous, as you have a capital in your head which con- 
fiscation can't reach, and which serves you now in the law, 
as well as it formerly did in politics and war. Would to 
heaven that it had had fuller control in the Confederacy. 

We have not been able to establish ourselves yet. I was 
so unlucky as to commit myself to a new express company 
just before being offered the rail road in course of construc- 
tion from Columbia to Augusta, which would have enabled 
us to live in Georgia, which we desired greatly. I have 
left the express business, and am now employed by a rail 
road company whose road is to run from Dalton to Selma. 
The time I have passed in that country has gone off very 
pleasantly, for every able bodied man has served with me 
somewhere, in Virginia, Georgia, Tennessee or Mississippi, 
and is perfectly confident that I know him as well as he 
does me, and that I remember all the occasions on which 
he may have observed me. I can not tell you how much 
pleasure such meetings give me. It is by God's Mercy that 
anything connected with recollections of that disastrous war 
can excite pleasurable feelings. 

I came here to endeavor to raise money for an Alabama 
railroad, but find it Impossible now, from the uncertainty 
of our political condition, which makes all northern capita- 
lists distrust southern property as security. Next spring 
matters will, in that respect, probably be in better condition. 
Mrs. J. came with me to meet her brother Robert and 
his family, just arrived from Paris. She has not enjoyed 
her visit, however, having been sick ever since her arrival 
The last letter she received from Mrs. Cobb came just as 
we were betaking ourselves to flight from Columbia, and 
she replied from Charlotte, N. C. She joins me in cordial 


regards to Mrs. Cobb and yourself, and all the younger 
members of the family. 


Wheatland, Pa., Nov. 6, 1866. 
My dear Mrs. Cobb : 

How long I have had it In my heart to write you, how 
many times I have even gone so far as to put your name 
at the head of a sheet of paper,' I cannot now begin to say. 
But I do assure you that we have all thought and talked of 
you and dear Mr. Cobb many and many an hour since the 
sad parting In 1861, that we have wondered about your 
fortunes and hoped for your welfare, that I have promised 
Father and Mother a hundred times that I would write you. 
But my epistolary performances are less frequent than 
formerly as might be expected In the case of an elderly 
matron of grave cares. I have been sick much of the time 
and have also been much saddened by the ill health of Mr. 

York Is our headquarters, but we have been away from 
there a great deal, spending several months at a time in 
Philadelphia, where for a while Mr. S. edited the "Age". 
This winter our house and Mother's have both been rented 
w.'th the furniture — Mother going to Washington and we 
coming here to spend the winter (or most of It) with Mr. 
Buchanan, as Mr. S. is engaged on a literary work which 
he can prosecute better here than anywhere else, and Mr. 
Buchanan since Miss Lane has gone, is much pleased to 
have Company. He Is now 76 years old, but hale, hearty, 
and erect as ever, has scarcely any signs of old age, hears 
and sees as sharply as he ever did, and enjoys fun and soci- 
ety as much as any person. He takes his long walk every 
day, receives a good many visitors, pays an occasional visit 
in Lancaster, goes on Sunday to the Presbyterian church, 
of which he is a member ^ reads the papers, and takes an in- 

1. Daughter of Jeremiah S. Black, Attorney General in Buchanan's Cabinet 



terest in all that goes on. He is as fond as ever of teasing, 
as I realize every day. 

This house is a dear old comfortable place. Jane is de- 
voted to the country and enjoys running about the grounds 
or accompanying her father and me on our daily walks. 
Mr. Shunk who was ill all summer, is improving very much, 
and so we hope to have a pleasant winter. Yet I don't 
make plans any more or ever feel secure, for tho' my 
life has been exempt from what are considered great 
troubles I have seen enough of disappointment and trial to 
subdue my spirit in some degree. 

Father has the house in which Capt. Maffit lived, just 
opposite Franklin Row on K. Street. It has been rented 
altered and is very handsomely furnished. He has rented 
it for six months. My eldest brother, Chauncey is in parter- 
ship with Father: he, his wife and child live with them. 
My second brother is practicing law, or at least renting an 
office, in Uniontown, Pa. My eldest sister Mary is with 
Mother, and Nannie, the younger, is at a boarding school 
near Philadelphia. Father has been much absorbed in 
farming a place he plays with near York. It has been very 
beneficial to his health, but less so to his purse. He con- 
tinues to buy property when it is high and sell when it is 
low, but his heart and hand are ever open — none so good 
as this dear father of mine. 

Mother's health has been very bad, for a year she was 
a terrible sufferer and greatly changed in appearance, but 
she is better the past few months, much better. They have 
Mr. Clement C. Clay staying with them just now. I need 
not (I hope) tell you how we suffered with our Southern 
friends during the wicked war, how our hearts bled as we 
heard of their sorrows and privations, and how none of us 
ever said a word or did a deed which could in any way favor 
or help the vile cause of the abolition Yankee. 

Mr. Shunk was mobbed very near the beginning of the 
war, we broke with many friends on account of politics. 
We felt political bonds to be the strongest on earth, for 
friendship and religion were trampled in the dust. Our 


feeling and sympathies knew no change. We regretted and 
disapproved secession^ but as a thing wrong in itself, but un- 
wise and mistaken, but when once the ball began and we saw 
how it was carried on our hopes and wishes were all one 
way. We felt our position to be more unfortunate than 
any other, as we could act on neither one side or the other, 
and were condemned and misunderstood all around. How- 
ever we had plenty of company. York is a splendid copper- 
head region. Indeed you people don't know the friends 
you have in the North and you do us great injustice. My 
great and only objection to my "Southern brethren" and 
I will add sisters, is that they are too hard on all North- 
ern people, making no distinction, between a low mische- 
vous Yankee and an honest decent person from Pennsyl- 
vania. They are too proud and intolerant, generally, but 
to this class I'm quite sure you and yours do not belong. I 
never for a moment supposed it, or my heart would not so 
often have traveled over land, rivers, and armies to your 
Southern home or have so earnestly prayed for your de- 

I am scribbling too much, forgetting myself — tho' Jane 
and Mr. S. have both been worrying me to quit ever since 
the first page. I hope I shall hear from you very soon and 
hear much that is pleasant of you. I want to know all about 
your children. Mrs. Ellis of Alabama has been visit- 
ing at this house. We were so much pleased with her. 

With much love to Mr. Cobb, kindest remembrances 
from Mr. S. and Mr. Buchanan to both of you, I must now 
hastily sign myself, very sincerely. 


Macon, Ga. June 21, 1867 
My dear Wife: 

A few minutes since and Johnnie called my attention 

to three carriages drawn up in state in front of the Lanier 
House. He says that the Mayor of Savannah is here in 


charge of Genl. Pope^ en route for Savannah, and that the 
city fathers of Macon are doing homage to the ^'infallible'* 
by riding him and the Mayor of the city of Savannah 
around the city. How it sickens and saddens the heart to 
witness these scenes of humiliation. I thank God, that the 
good of my country does not require at my hands a partici- 
pation in these propitiatory offerings to our taskmasters 
and oppressors. How long are we to endure these ter- 
rible trials? 

I must mention to you briefly an interview which took 
place in Milledgeville last week between Genl. Sanford and 
Joe Brown, you must pardon the profanity. I tell it to 
you as it was told to me by Genl. Sanford himself 
Brown came up behind him and placed his hands familiarly 
upon his shoulder and said "Genl., how are you"? The 
Genl. replied, ''Gov. Brown, you have obtruded yourself 
upon my notice, and compelled me to address you in plain 
and emphatic language, I regard you, sir, as an apostate to 
every profession of your life, and one of those G — d d — d 
scoundrels that would sell his country, his liberty, and his 
family to advance his own selfish ambition". But says 
Brown, "Genl., you will come to hear me speak tomorrow". 
"Come to hear you speak?" replied the Genl. "No, sir, I 
have sufficient evidence ot your being a damned scoundrel, 
without hearing the confession from your own lips". Says 
Brown, "Genl. you are an old man". "Young enough," 
replied the Genl., "to be responsible for everything I have 
said to you", and there the interview ended by Brown^s 
walking off 


Macon, Ga., June 24, 1867. 
My dear Wife: 

.... It has occurred to me, looking to the unsettled con- 
dition of the country, and the prospect of this portion of 

1. Genl. John Pope, in command of the 3rd Military District, which included 


the American vineyard becoming uninhabitable to white 
people, that it would be a pleasant trip for you and I (tak- 
ing Meyon^ with us) to make a visit to Kentucky after 
Commencement, and hunt for a home. If we should have to 
go from Georgia I don't know where Southern people would 
find a better refuge than in Kentucky, where Southern sen- 
timent still has control. I am not speaking of any im- 
mediate movement, but we could be looking out for the 
future. Think of it 


Augusta, Ga., Oct. 14, 1867. 
My dear Wife: 

After spending a week in the salubrious climate of Dooly 
county I reached Americus safe and sound. As I was de- 
tained the whole week in Dooly, I did not get to the plan- 
tations, but Johnnie met me here after spending three days 
on the plantation. He makes a very favorable report about 
the crops. We shall make very nearly as much cotton as 
we did last year, but alas! the difference in our income. 
What is to become of our people at present prices of cot- 
ton? "It is awful to think of and terrible to contemplate", 
as old Judge Underwood would say. Some idea may be 
formed of the effect upon the morals of the people, when 
I tell you that men who pledged their crops to their com- 
mission merchants for advances of corn and meat, are now 
secretly selling their cotton to other people, to get rid of 
their liabilities to the merchants who made the advances. . . 


Macon, Ga., Sept. 7, 1867. 
My dear Wife: 

Fifty two years ago, I set out on the unprofitable pllgrim- 
age» which finds me today struggling with the adversities 

1. Miss Mary Anne Lamar Cobb, now Mrs. A. S. Drwin of Athens, Ga. 


of life and more hopeless of the future than ever before. 
My good friend Judge Jackson has nearly consumed the 
morning in a learned lecture on the nothingness of all hu- 
manit>s and the only lasting hope of the good man beyond 
the grave. And now I devote a few moments to you, 
whose enjoyment and happiness is the great object in life 
with me. To you I need not repeat the many true wise 
things, which the Judge has said, for you carry with you 
in your daily walk and life, the witness that testifies of the 
great and good spirit, that gives promise of another and 
better world. Be cheerful and happy, my dear wife, for 
you know not how much happiness is imparted to others, 
by your sweet smiles and cheerful face. For myself I can 
truly say, I desire only to live in the reflected happiness 
which I gather from your own happiness. It is to me the 
treasure of life; and may God in his infinite wisdom and 
goodness, long continue to your household this their great- 
est source of earthly enjoyment 


Plantation, Jany. 31st. 1868 
My dear Father; 

I received your letter a few days ago. I will not be 
able to go to Macon before you return from Milledgevillc 
first of week after next. 

I have written to Hardeman and Sparks and sent a state- 
ment of cotton shipped so that they can compare it with 
their books, and see how much is missing. I will bring the 
receipts up when I come. I will write beforehand what 
time I will be there. 

We have moved to the plantation and are getting very 
comfortably fixed. I went to a sale above Americus the 
other day and left Lucy and Wilson here two nights — the 
''school marm" from Barwick's^ staid with her. 

We go up to town tomorrow to spend Sunday and I shall 
not return here before Tuesday evening or Wednesday 
morning, as the Liverpool Cotton Co's. sale takes place on 


Tuesday, and I want to be at it. I think we will need 
some more mules. If I get some hands that have promised 
to come and whom I am anxious to get, I will need six or 
eight more and if we could get the same kind we got from 
Johnson, I would like to have them, but about this I will 
write you next week, if we get the hands. We now have 
162 and if the others come we will have 170, which is just 
as many as I want, it will make Hudson who now has 22, 
to 25, and Culver who now has 25, to 30. 

I sent you by Railroad this week a box of bones^ and a 
barrel of lard. You had better send to the depot for it. 
I wanted to have bought more mules at the sale the other 
day, but they went too high, indifferent mules in bad order 
sold for from $120 to $150, cash. 

J. B. Ross and Son have written me several times about 
their bill, there is a balance of $587.77 due them. I have 
written them that it would be paid just as soon as we got 
a return of the sale of our cotton 

I will send the last nine bales of our crop forward next 

Our last year's crop is as follows: — 

Bivins Place "Bridges" :_i8i bales 

Domine Place "Barwick" 171 

Spring Creek Place **Matt" 115 

'' " '^Morris" 78 

Jackson Place 116 

Total on four places 661 

Our share of the Scrutchins place 27 


To Barwick and Employees 14 

Entire crop on five places 702 

If I buy anything at the Liverpool sale, I will write you 
before I leave Americus. 

1. i. e., fresh pork. 


Tell Mother, we will be fixed up comfortably by the 
time I come to Macon and we would like for her to return 
with me and pay us a visit at our country home. I think 
the trip and change would do her good. Wilson runs! pret- 
ty wild out here, and she will think more than ever that he 
needs training at her hands. 

If you have not traded the gray mare off, suppose you 
send her back for me to use her in the plough. I am going 
to break some colts of Lamar's^ and mine and plough them 
to help out, there are four that can be ploughed this sum- 
mer, and not hurt them, they will be the same age the gray 
mare was when I commenced to plough her. 
P. S. We have had such bad weather that there has been 
little or nothing done on the plantations yet. All hands will 
get regularly to work ploughing next week if the weather 
is good. We had a pretty heavy snow for this part of the 
world the other day. Wednesday, the thermometer in the 
house was 22 and outdoors 18, that is as cold as it was ever 
known here, it is pretty cold yet, but nothing like the above. 


Washington, D. C, June 21, 1868. 
My Dear Sir: 

I duly received your letter of June 5th., and the article it 
enclosed both of which I read with interest. I suppose you 
will readily accept as one excuse for delay in reply that I 
have been making a hard fight for your people who are in 
prison and the jaws of the military. I have been not mere- 
ly writting in our papers but have also managed to induce 
nearly all the Radical correspondents here to be neutral or 
help us, and besides this I have done no light amount of 
work every day. 

I think the Chase movement has done us a good deal of 

1. Maj. Lamar Cobb, son of Howell Cobb. 

2. Editor of The Intelligencer. 


harm. The N. Y. World has gone into it and come out 
for negro suffrage and accepting the state organizations in 
the South as finalities. Now, they drop Chase but stick to 
their heresies. The Chase men have money, are ready to 
use it; but I don't think they can do much. The movement 
has irritated many sound men, and led them to favor Pen- 
dleton as the best way to crush it. 

I am afraid to enter the race without a military man to 
offset Grant. We may need to have one. There will be a 
good deal of Buncombe about Grant's war record and we 
must offset it, equal them on that point, and beat them on 
the other. Hence, I go for Hancock, or Blair, or McClel- 
lan. If a civilian be taken up perhaps Hendricks would be 
most available. Location good too. 

Johnson's name will be presented and I do not see how 
our Southern delegates can refuse him a complimentary 
vote. He has been our friend and we must not appear un- 
grateful. His continued friendship up to the 4th. of 
March is very essential to us. Virginia and Georgia will 
both require his action to help us out of scrapes. 

I think there are two great issues on which we can ral- 
ly the Northern masses and win if our candidates and plat- 
form give reasonable assurance that they will be attended. 

1. "A white man's government,^' the most popular rallying 
cry we can have. 

2. Reform in the Executive Dept, Congress, and State 
Legislatures, retrenchment and reduced taxation. Extirpa- 
tion of corruption, etc. 

We must be able to promise these things. I dont think 
with a platform or candidate dubious about negro sufrage 
we can touch bottom. We will have a bolt if we dodge the 
issue, and it will lose us the election. But I think the Con- 
vention will manage wisely and I am willing to trust them. 
I hope to see you in New York. 



Macon, Feby. 22, 1869. 
My dear Cousin: 

Often since the death of Cousin Howell,^ my heart has 
said to me, "write to Cousin Mary Ann", yet as often the 
reply of my judgement has been '*You were with her in the 
first great outpouring of her grief,' you met her at Union 
Point, what good can be done by writing". Yet now, 
feeling it to be my duty to write to you, my dear cousin, on 
another subject I must say a word about him who was the 
best friend and the noblest specimen of our fallen humanity 
I have ever known. 

On one subject, and one only, he talked to me as he did 
not talk to you, and his silence upon it to you is but one 
other proof of his devotion to you. That subject was the 
doubt that long harassed him about the Divinity of our 
Savior. He often told me that he would not for worlds 
jostle your faith nor have his children for one moment 
doubt his entire faith in all the scriptures of God. He 
knew your devotion to him, your confidence in his judge- 
ment, your faith in his integrity, and he was fearful lest he 
might be the means of insinuating his own doubts into your 
mind. Besides, he told me he knew how miserable it would 
make, you to think that he entertained those doubts, and to 
spare you this unhappiness, his lips were sealed upon the 
subject while in your presence. He has often told me that 
he would give anything for your faith and trust in Christ, 
as God in the fiesh, and your confidence in our blessed 
Lord; and the illustration of that confidence which he saw 
so constantly and unobtrusively exhibited by you in the 
home circle told powerfully upon his strong intellect, and 
was greatly instrumental in working out the happy result 
of his conversion and preparation for death. My dear 
cousin, I write what I know, for he was, as it were, twin 
brother to me, and opened his whole heart to me. Another 

1. Cobb died suddenly, October 9, 1868, while on a visit to New York. 


reason of his silence upon this subject in the home circle 
was his fear that some of his dear children might imbibe 
his opinions and be led into the labyrinth of uncertainty 
which so much perplexed and annoyed him. Another proof 
of that firmness of purpose and self denial, which so much 
distinguished him, especially when in bearing the burden 
alone, he felt that he was lifting it from the shoulders of 
those he loved most 


New Viewpoints in American History. By Arthur Meier 
Schleslnger. (New York: The MacmlUan Company, 1922- 
XIV, 299 pp.) 

Progress Is said to be the law of life; and this should be 
no less true in the profession or occupation than In the physi- 
cal body. New Inventions and discoveries have proclaimed 
the advancement of the sciences; the more prosaic business 
of ferreting out and Interpreting the past has had no press 
agent. But nevertheless, the leav^en of honest and reason- 
ing inquiry has been working, and some of the new dis- 
coveries made by the historians for the past quarter century 
are here set forth In this book under review. True enough 
these discoveries are not to be seen so much in the technique 
or methods of research or writing history, as in the new 
points of view that have been evolved. Influences that have 
played important parts In our past have long remained un- 
noted and apparently unknown. It has been only In the 
present generation that the importance of the West in our 
history has come to be generally appreciated. But the 
spirit of research among the present historians bids fair to 
leave no stone unturned In the guest for those elements 
which must be judiciously combined in their proper propor- 
tions, if our past as well as our present Is to be truly Inter- 

The author of New Viewpoints in American History has 
viewed the work of the many Investigators and with skill 
put together their findings and Interpreted them for those, 
who have not had the time or Inclination to read the many 
monographic contributions. Such subjects as the influence 
of Immigration, geographic factors, chapters. Among the 
and women are treated In separate chapters. Among the 
other topics are: The Decline of Aristocracy In America; 
Radicalism and Conservatism In American History; The 


American Revolution; The State Rights Fetish; The Found- 
ations of the Modern Era; and the Riddle of the Parties. 

Honest doubts there might be concerning the relative 
importance of different factors; but none can there be con- 
cerning the proposition that all of these are at least Im- 
portant. Some viewpoints that have not yet been sufficiently 
developed will undoubtedly be eventually recognized as be- 
ing as important as many others. 

One who has kept abreast of the times In historical de- 
velopments Is not very likely to disagree with the main con- 
tentions of this book, although one may not likely agree 
with every statement. Professor Schleslnger has performed 
a real service in bringing together and making a synthesis 
in one volume of these new and refreshing viewpoints. 

E. M. C. 

Chronicles of Chicora Wood. By Elizabeth W. AUston 
Pringle. (New York: Charles Scrlbner's Sons, 1922, IX, 
366 pp. $3.00.) 

This Is a delightfully written book, recounting the ex- 
perience of the author, a lady of the Old Regime In the 
South. The daughter of an ante-bellum governor of South 
Carolina, she saw the beautiful side of Southern society be- 
fore the Civil War and here portrays it In a most engag- 
ing way In her light reminiscences. The glory that was 
once Charleston's Is made to live again: the stately homes 
along the Battery; the wealthy and cultured families, 
whose social connections extended north as far as New- 
port, and whose education was likely to be finished In Paris 
or Heidelberg; gay parties and gorgeous dresses. Charles- 
ton owed much of Its prosperity at this time to the rice 
district for which It was an outlet; indeed, many of the 
families that made Charleston the city that it was, were rice 
planters. The method of cultivating the land and the econ- 
omy of the large rice plantation, with its many slaves and its 
flatboats on the sluggish river, are described. 


The blighting effects of war and reconstruction are brief- 
ly but intimately and vividly set forth. The silver and 
whatever else that could be gathered up were hurriedly 
buried, on the news that Sherman was approaching. Horses 
were driven by faithful slaves into the swamps and the in- 
accessible places. The pestilence passed and left in its track 
carcasses of cattle and swine, the result of unbridled and 
wanton destructivness ; the once luxurious homes in ashes 
or with their windows and doors smashed out and the furni- 
ture broken up; poverty-stricken and frightened people, 
who had the day before known no want, and what was even 
a greater calamity, a sullen and suspicious disposition in 
the erstwhile slaves, their minds poisoned by the invader. 

As a picture of a very restricted side of the ante-bellum 
South, the book is delightfully true — and this is all that it 
purports to be. But, of course, as a true picture of the 
whole Southern fabric It is entirely Inadequate. 

E. M.C. 

A History of Rome and Floyd County j Georgia. By 
George Magruder Battey, Jr., (Atlanta: The Webb and 
Vary Company 1922, pp. 640.) 

This volume which includes "numerous Incidents of more 
than local Interest" covers the period from 1540 to 1922. 
The author begins with the legend of De Soto's visit In 
1540, and traces the history of this section of the State 
through the period of Indian occupation and removal and 
the later periods of the close of the Civil War. Since Rome 
is located In the northern section of Georgia and therefore 
In the very heart of the Cherokee country It is very proper 
that some attention should be devoted In the early chapters 
to the Cherokees. There was an Important meeting of the 
Cherokees at Rome when the question of the removal of 
these Indians from the State was being agitated at which 
time, John Ross, the principal chief of the Cherokees spoke. 
The principle Incidents of the period preceding the Civil 
War and the persons In Rome and Floyd County are dis- 


cussed at some length. The part taken by Rome and Floyd 
County in the Civil War is given considerable attention. 

The latter half of the book is devoted to a miscellaneous 
collection of anecdotes reminiscences, encyclopedia of Rome 
and Floyd County, items from the press regarding Rome and 
Floyd County, poetry and the cemetery records. 

The author has undoubtedly devoted much time to col- 
lecting the information which he has compressed into 
this volume. This review can only contain a brief mention 
of certain of the more important things to be found there. 

The illustrations are very numerous and refer to a variety 
of persons, incidents, events and places. 

The hope is expressed that the service thus rendered 
by the author may indicate to others in every county of the 
State that a similar service might be rendered. 

P. S. F. 


At a recent meeting the curators of the Georgia His- 
torical Society,! Major Wm. W. Gordon, of Savannah, was 
elected to the presidency of the Society. The managing 
editor of the Georgia Historical Quarterly desires to con- 
gratulate the Society upon Its good fortune in securing the 
services of Major Gordon. 

The following comment appeared In the Savannah Press 
of Dec. 22, 1922. 

"The election of Mr. W. W. Gordon to the presidency 
of the Georgia Historical Society means much for that 
organization. Mr. Gordon Is an enthusiast about libraries. 
He has worked In libraries In New York, Washington, and 
In the British Museum. He is convinced that the splendid 
storehouse of historical and valuable volumes in this city 
should be made available to the people, and speaks confi- 
dently of making the library on Gaston street really an ad- 
dendum to the Public Library on Bull street. 

"The Georgia Historical Society not only publishes a 
quarterly review, assembling valuable papers and preserv- 
ing useful Information, but houses in its collection old and 
valuable publications which are not always appreciated or 
enjoyed by the people. There cannot be too many libraries 
In Savannahs and the Historical Society Is really more con- 
venient to the business part of town than the Public Library 
in the southern part of the city. 

"Mr. Gordon, not only as a director of the Public Li- 
brary but as president of the Georgia Historical Society, 
Is able to develop his ideas about making the latter an aux- 
iliary and annex of the circulating library on thirty-sixth 
street. In the circumstances no better selection could have 
been made. He will occupy the place of president, not as 
an empty honor, but as a real working factor, and we are 
convinced that he will develop the important possessions 


of the Georgia Historical Society as a real asset to Savan- 
nah and to the State. 

"Hodgson Hall, the home of the Georgia Historical 
Society on Gaston and Whitaker streets, will be opened for 
use as a branch of the Public Library, according to Major 
W. W. Gordon, president of the Georgia Historical So- 
ciety and member of the Public Library board. 

'The large hall of the Historical Society is not being 
used by the public even though the need of a public reading 
hall is, felt in this populated, residence section,' said Major 
Gordon. *By having a branch of the library we could open 
the large hall and serve the people of this section by putting 
them in contact with the books and periodicals of the large 

"The library of the Georgia Historical Society will also 
be open to the public. 

"By opening two such sub-stations in the city the Public 
Library has already served a larger public and the opening 
of Hodgson Hall addition is hailed with interest. One) 
sub-station already opened is in the Y. M. C. A. building 
and the other is on Waters avenue. 

"The scope of a resolution to be presented at the library 
board meeting this evening is that a direct messenger service 
be maintained between the Public Library and the branch 
libraries thus insuring prompt service. 

"According to the authorities of the Georgia State His- 
torical SocietyHodgson Hall has always been accessible. 
The public has not shown interest and with the opening of 
the branch it is hoped that'it will attract the reading public 
that will avail themselves of the advantages offered." 



NOV 95 

(Bound -To-Heas^ N- MANCHESTER 

I INDIANA 46962 '